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Translated with a Coranentary 

A IJiseertation 
submitted to the Board of University Studies of the 
Johns Hopkins University in conformity with 
the requirements for the aegree of 
Doctor of Philosophy 


Clayton U. Hall 




In preparine" this translation of the Life of Augustus, 
the text of L. iJindorf, Historici (iraeci Linores, Leipaic 
1871, vol.1, has been used a,s a basis. Suggestions of K, 
kxiller, i'raginenta Historicorxim Graecorun, Paris 1074, vol. 3, 
pp.427 ff., and of N. Piccolos, Nicolas de Lajnas, Vie de 
Cesar, Paris 1850, have been found of value. The last 
named work treats only of the section found in the 'Codex 
Escorialensis' , namely chapters 16 to Zl. In cases of vari- 
ation arriong these three editors, the preferred reading has 
been duly indicated in the commentary; departures from their 
texts have also been noted. V/orks which ha-ve been of value 
in preparing the commentary have been fully cited therein. 

To obviate the confusion between the elder and the 
younger Caesar, which exists through the excerpt, it has 
been fovind expedient to refer to the later Augustus as 
Octavius uniformly until his arrival in Italy from Apollonia, 
v/hen he became acquainted v/ith the contents of Caesa,r's will, 
and thereafter a,s Octavian. 

All the references to Appian are to his 'Civil ..'ars'. 

The writer here v/ishes to express his obligation to 
Professor T. Prajik, under whose direction this v/ork was 
undertaken, to Professor W.P.LiUstard, who has kindly read 
the entire manuscript of the translation, and to Professors 
C.W.E.Liller and L.k. Robinson. 


••• » 

The Life of Augustus 

1. Men gave hin thie name in view of his claim 

to honor; &sid , scattered over islands and continents, 

through city and tribe, they revere him by building; 

temples and by sacrificing to him, ' thus requiting 

him for his great virtue and acts of kindness toward 

themselves. ?or this ma-n, having attained preeminent 

pov7er and discretion, ruled over the greatest nxinber 

of people within the memory of man, established the 

furthest bounaaries for the Roman Jinpire, ajid settled 

securely not only the tribes of Greeks and barbarians, 

but also their dispositions; at first with arms but 

afterward even without arms, by attracting them of 

their ov/n free will. By making himself known through 

kindness he persuaded them to obey him. The names 

of some of them men had never heard before, nor had 

they been subject within the memory of anyone, but he 

subdued them; all those that live as far as the 

Rhine and beyond the Ionian Sea and the Illyrieji 

peoples. These are called Pannonians and lacians. 

(See the work: 'Concerning Brave Honest Leeds.'} 


2, To set forth the full power of this man's intel- 
ligence and virtue, both in the administration which 
he exercised at Rome and in the conduct of great wars 
both domestic and foreign, is a subject for competition 
in speech and essay, that men may win renown by treat- 
ing: it v/ell. I myself shall relate his achievements, 
so that all can knov; the truth. First I shall speak 

of his birth and breeding, his parents, his nurture 
and education from infancy, by means of which he came 
to such an estate. ' 

His father v/as Caius Octavius, a man of senatorial 
rank.^' His forebears, renovmed for both v/ealth ' 

and justice, left their estates to him, an orphan, at 

4) 5) 

their death. His guardians spent his money, but 

he remitting his just claims was satisfied v/ith the 


3. Octavius at the age of about nine years was an 
object of no little admiration to the Romans, exhibit- 
ing as he did great excellence of nature, young though 
he was; for he gave an oration ' before a large crowd 
and received much applause from grown men. After his 

grandmother's death he was brought up by his mother 


Atia and her husb8,nd Lucius Philippue, who was a 

descendant of the conquerors of Philip of l^acedonia. 


At Philippus' hoUBe, as if at his father's, Octavius 
was reared and shov/ed great promise, already seeming 
to be treated v/ith respect by his comrades, the chil- 
dren of highest birth, ilany of them 8,s80ciated with 
him, 8Jid even not a few of the youths who had hopes 
to undertake affairs of sts-te. Laily many lads, men, 
and boys of his own age attended him whether he rode 
on horseback outside of the town or went to the house 
of his relations or of any other person; for he exer- 
cised his mind with the finest practices and his body 
with both genteel and warlike pursuits; and more quick- 
ly than hib teachers he himself applied his lesson to 

the facts in hand, so that for this reason also KUch 

praise redounded to him m the city. Both his 

mother and her husband Philippus took care of him, 

inquiring each day from the instructors ' and cura- 
tors v;hom they had placed in charge of the boy y.'hat 
he had accomplished, how far he had advancea, or how 
he had spent the day and with whom he had associated. 
4. At the time when the Civil w'ar had laid hold on 
the city, his mother Atia and Philippus quietly 
sent Octavius off to one of his father's country 

He entered the forum, a^^ed about fourteen, to 


put off the toga praetextata and aeBunie the toga virilie, 

this being a token of his becoming registered as a man- 
Then v/hile all the citizens looked upon him, because of 
hie comeliness and very evidently noble descent, he 

sacrificed to the gode and was registered in the sacred 


college in the place of Lucius Eomitius, who had died. 

The people indeed had very eagerly elected ' him to 

this position. Accordingly, he performed the sacrifice, 

adorned with the toga virilis and at the same time the 

6 ) 
honors of a very high priestly office. Nevertheless, 

though he v/as registered as of age according to law, 

his mother would not let him leave the house other 

than as he did before, when he was a chilG, sjid she 

made him keep to the same moae of life and sleep in 

the same apartment as before. Por he v/as of age only 

by law and in other respects was taken care of a,s a 

child. He did not change the fashion of his clothes, 

but continued to use the Roman garb. 

5. He went to the temples on the regular days, but 
after dark on account of his youthful charm, seeing 
that he attracted many women by his comeliness and 
high lineage; though often tempted by them he seems 
never to have been enticed. Not only did the watch- 
ful care of his mother, who guarded him and forbade 

•■ \. 


his wandering, protect him but he too was prudent now 
that he was advancint; in age. Luring the Latin lesti- 
val v.'hen the consuls had to ascend the Alban Lount to 
perform the cuBtoi:ie.ry sacrifices, the priests mean- 
v/hile succeeding to the jurisdiction of the consuls, 

Octavius sat on the tribunal in the centre of the for- 

2) £,) 

van. And there came many people on legal buainesB ' 

and many on no business at 8,11 except for a sight of 

the boy; for he was well worth beholding especially 

when he assiimed the dignity and honorable aspect of 


6. Caesar had by this time completed the wars in 

l) 2) 

jfiurope, had conquered Pompey in Macedonia, had 

taken Egypt, had returned from Syria and the Euxine 

eea, and was intending to advance into Libya in order 

to put dov/n what was left of war over there; sjid Oc- 
tavius wanted to take the fielG with him in order that 
he might ga,in experience in the practice of war. But 
v/hen he found that his mother Atia was opposed he said 
nothing by way of argument but remained at home. It 
was plain that caesar, out of solicitude for him, did 
not wish him to take the field yet, lest he might bring 
on illness to a v/eak body through changing his moae of 
life and thus permanently injure his health, i'or 


thiB cause he took no part in the expedition. 

7. After finishing that war also, Caesar returned to 
Rome, having granted pardon to a very few of the cap- 
tives who fell to him because they had not learned wis- 
com in the earlier wars."' Then the following incident 
occurred: There was a particular associate and friend 
of Octavius, Agrippa, who had been educatea at the 
same pla.ce and who was a very special friend of his. 
His brother was with Cato and treated with much respect; 
he had participated in the Libyan War, but was at this 
time taken captive. Although Octavius haa never yet 
asked anything of caesar he wanted to beg the prisoner 
off, but he hesitated because of modesty and at the 
same ti^ie because he sav/ how Caesar was cicposed toward 
those v/ho had been captured in that war. However, he 
made bold to ask it, and had his request granted. 
Thereupon he v^as very glad at having rescued a brother 
for his friend and he was praised by others for employ- 
ing his zeal and right of intercession first of all 

for a frienc's sa-fety. 

8. After this, Caesar celebrated his triumphs for the 
Libyan V.'ar and the others which he had fought; and he 
orGered the young v^aesar, whom he had now adopted, and 
v;ho v/as in a way a son even b^ nature, on account of 



the closeness of their relationship, to follow hia 

chariot, having bestowed upon him military decorations, 
as if he had been his aide in war. Likewise at the 
sacrifices and when entering the temples he stationed 
him at his eide a.nd he ordered the others to yield 
precedence to him. Caesar alrea,dy bore the rank of 

Imperp-tor, v/hich was the highest sxcordin^i to the 

Roman usage, and he was highly esteemed in the state. 

The boy, being his companion both at the theatre ajid 
at the banquets, and seeing that he conversed kindly 
v/ith him, as if with his own son, 8,nd having by this 
time become somev.'he.t more courageous, when many of his 
friends and citizens asked him to intercede for them 
with ^aesar, in matters in which they were in need of 
aid, looking out for the opportune moment he respect- 
fully asked and was successful; and he became of 
great value to many of his kinsfolk, for he took care 
never to ask a favor at an inopportune time, ncr when 
it v/as annoying to Oaesar. And he displayed not a few 
sparks of kindness and natural intelligence. 
9. Caesar v/ished Octavius to the experience of 
directing the exhibition of theatrical productions 
(for there v/ere two theatres, the one Roman, over 
v/hich he himself had charge, and the other Greek). 


Thie he turned over to the care of Octavius. The lat- 
ter, wiehine to exhibit interest and benevolence in 
the matter, even in the hottest and lonj^est days, never 
left his poet before the end of the play; with the re- 
sult that he fell ill, for he was young and unaccus- 
tomed to toil, iieinfc, very ill, every one felt con- 
siderable apprehension regarding him, lest e. constitu- 
tion such a.s his might suffer some mishap, and Caesar 
most of all. Accordingly, every day he either called 
himself and encouraged him or else sent friends to do 
so, and he kept physicians in continuous attendance. 
On one occasion word was brought to him while he was 
dining that Octavius was relaxed and was dangerously 
ill. He sprang up ajid ran barefooted to the place 
where the patient v/ae, and in great anxiety and with 
great emotion questioned the physicians, and he sat 

dov/n by the bedside himself. Vi'hen Octavius' full 

recovery was brought about he showed much joy. 

10. While Octavius was convalescent, still weak pJiysi- 
cally though entirely out of danger, Caesar had to 
take the field on an expedition ' in which he had pre- 
viously the intention of taking the boy. This however 
he coula not now qo on account of hie attack of sick- 
ness. Accordingly, he left him behind in the care of 


a number of perBons ;vho v/ere to take particular 
charge of his node of life; ajid giving oraers that 
if Octavius should grov; strong enoUi>h, he v/as to fol- 
low him, he went off to the war. The elaest son of 

Pompeiue Lagnus had got together a great force in 

a short time, contrary to the expectations of every- 
one, v/ith the intention of avenging his father's 
death, and, if possitle, of retrieving his father's 
defeat. Octavius, left behind in Rome, in the first 
place gave hie attention to gaining as much physical 
strength as possible, and soon he v/as sufficiently 
robust. Then he set out from home toward the armi^-, 
according to his uncle's instructions \for that is 
vfhat he called him). Many were eager to accompany 
him on account of his great promise but he rejected 
them all, even his mother herself, and selecting the 
speediest and strongest of his servants he hastened 
on his journey and with incredible despatch he covered 
the long road and approached Caesar, who had already 
completed the whole war in the space of seven months. 
11. When Octavius reached Tarraco it was hard to 

believe that he had managed to arrive in so great a 
tumult of war. Not finding Caesar there, he had to 
endure more trouble and danger. He caught up with 


Caesar in bpain near the city of Calpia."^ Caesar 
embre-ced hioi as a son and welcomed him, for he had 
left him at home, ill, a,nd he now unexpectedly saw 
him safe from both enemies and brigands. In fact, 
he did not let him go from him, but he kept him at 

his ov/n quarters and mess. He commended hie zeal 

and intelligence inasmuch as he was the first of 

those who hs-d set out from Rome to arrive. And he 
made the point of e-sking him concernin^i many things 
in the course of their conversation, for he was 
anxious to make a trial of his understanding; and 
finding that he was sagacious, intelligent, and con- 
cise in his replies and that he always ansv/ered to 
the point, his esteem axid affection for him increased. 
After this they had to sail for Carthago Nova, and 
arrangements v/ere made whereby Octavius embarked in 
the ssone boat as Caesar, with five slaves, but, out 
of affection, he took three of hie companions aboard 
in addition to the slaves, though he feared that 
Caesar would be angry when he found this out. How- 
ever, the reverse was the case, for oaesar was pleased 
in that Octavius was fond of his conirades sjid he com- 
menaed him beca,uee he always likec to have present 
with him men v/ho were observant and who triea to attain 


to excellence; and because he was already giving no 
little thought to gaining a good reputation c5.t home. 
12. Caesar duly arrived at Carthago Nova, intending 
to n:eet with those who v/ere in need of hiiri. A grea,t 
many cane to see him, some for the purpose of settling 
any differences they might have with certain persons, 
others because of matters of civil administration, 
others in order to obtain the rewards for deeds of 
courage which they had performed. Regarding these 
matters he gave them audience. Llany other officers 
had congregated there also. The Saguntini ceune to 
Octavius asking for assistance, for there were a num- 
ber of charges against them. He acted as their spokes- 
man, and speaking before Caesar skillfully secured 
their release from the charges. He sent them home 
delighted, singing his praises to everyone and calling 
him their savior. Thereupon many people a.ppr cached 
him, asking for his patronage, and he proved of con- 
siderable value to them, bome he relieved of the 
charges brought against them, for others he secured 
rewards, and he placed still others in offices of 
state. His kindness, huma-nity, and the prucence he 

had revealed at these gatherings v;ere subjects of com- 

ment to all. In fact, Caesar himself cautiously .... 


15. ... of silver, according to the ancestral cuetom; 

nor to associate with young fellows who drank freely, 
nor to remain at banquetB till nightfall, nor to dine 

before the tenth hour, except at the house of Caesar 

2 ) 
or Philippus or i^arcellus, his sister's husband, a 

man of sobriety and of the best Roman descent. Lodesty, 
which one might assume was fitting for one of that age 
(for nature has assigned it an earlier place than the 
other virtues) was apparent in his actions end con- 
tinued during his whole life. Therefore Caesar made 
much of him and not, as some think, entirely because 
of relationship, oome time before he had decided to 
adopt him, but fearing that elated at the hope of such 
good fortune, as those usually are who are brought up 
in wea,lth, he might become forgetful of virtue and 
depart from his accustomed mode of life, Caesar con- 
cealed his intention but he adopted him as son in his 
will ' (for he had no male children of his own) and 
made him residuary legatee of his entire estate, after 

bequeathing one fourth of his property to friends ana 

townsmen, a.s was afterwards knovm. 

14. Octavius asked permission to go home to see his 

mother, and when it was granted, he set out. Vilien he 

reached the Janiculan hill near Home, a man v/ho claimed 

I.. t 


to be the son of CaiUB Marius caxue with a large crowd 
of people to meet him. He had taken also some women 
who were relatives of c;aesar, for he was anxious to be 
enrolled in the family, and they testified to his de- 
scent. He did not succeed in persuading Atia at all, 
nor her sister, to make any fals$ statement concerning 

their family; for the families of Caesar and Marius 

were very close, but this young man v/as really no 

relative whatever. So then, he came up to the young 
uaesar with a great multitude and tried to gain his 
authority also for being enrolled in the family. The 
citizens v/ho accompanied him were also earnestly per- 
suaded that he was laariue' son. Octavius v/as in quite 
a quandary and began to consider what he should do. 
It was a difficult thing to greet a stranger as a 
relative, one whose origin ne aia not know, sjia for 
whom his mother did noz vouch; and on the other hand, 
to repudiate the youth and the crowd of citizens with 
him would be very difficult particularly for one bo 
modest as he. Accordingly, he quietly ajiswered and 
dismissed the fellov;, saying that ^.aeear was the head 
of their family, and the chief of the state ajid of the 
whole Roman government. He should therefore go to 
him and explain to him the kinship, and if he con- 

- X I. 

* ^ J < 


vinced Caesar, then both they and the other relatione 
would accede to his decision quite convinced; other- 
wise there could be no grouno for their connection with 
him. In the laeanvfhile, until Caesar decided, he 
should not come to Octavius nor ask for anything that 
might be expected of a relative. Thus sensibly he 
answered and everyone there comruended hie:; nevertheless 
the youn^ fellow follov/ed him all the way home. 
16. When he arrived in Rome he lodged near the house 
of Philippus and his mother and passed his time with 
them, seldom leaving them, except at times when he 
v/ished to invite some of his young friends to dine 
with him; but that was not often. iVhile he was in 
the city, he v/a,8 declared a patrician by the senate. 
Octavius lived soberly and in moderation; and his 
friends knew of something else about him that was re- 
markable. Jor 9jn entire year at the very age at 
which youths, particularly those of wealth, are most 
v/anton, he abstained from sexual gratification out of 
regard for both his voice and his strength. (End of 

the history of Nicolaus Lamascenus and of the life 


of the young »-aesar. Concerning virtue and vice.) 

16. Octavius spent three months in Rome and then 
came smd sojourned here. ' He was acmired by hie 


friends and companions, revered "by everyone in the 

city, and praised by his instructors. In the fourth 

month of his stay, a freedxaan came from home, in ex- 
citement and dismay, sent by his mother and carrying 
a letter which said that Caesar had been killed in 
the senate by t^assius and Brutus and their accomplices. 
She asked her son to return to her e.s she did not 
know what the outcome of affaire would be. She said 
he must show himself a man now ana consider what he 
ought to do and put his plans in action, according to 
fortune and opportunity. His mother's letter made 
all this clear, and the man who brought it gave a 
similar report. He said he had been sent immediately 
after Caesar's murder, ejid he had v/asted no time on 
the way, so that hearing the news as quickly as possi- 
ble, Octavius would be able to make his plans axcord- 
ingly. He added that the relatives of the murdered 
man were in gres.t danger, and it was necessary to 
consider first of all hov; this was to be avoided. The 
group of murderers was not small, and they would drive 
out and murder Caesar's relatives. 

When they heard this they were greatly disturbed 
(it was just about the time that they were going to 
dinner). Speedily a report spread to those out of 


doors end through the whole city, revealing nothing 
accurately, but only that Bome great calamity had 
tef alien. Then when the evening was fully come many 
of the foremost ApollonianB came up with torches, 
asking with kind intent what the news was. After 
taking counsel with his friends Octavius decided to 
tell the mobt distinguished of them, but to send the 
rabble away. He and his friends did so, s-nd v/hen the 
crov/d was v/ith difficulty persuaded by the leaders to 
lea,ve, Octavius ha-d the opportunity of taking counsel 
with his friends (much of the night already having 
been spent) as to what ought to be done and how he 
should improve the situation. After thoroughly con- 
sidering the case, some of his friends advised him to 

go and Join the army in iviacedonia; it had been sent 

out for the ParthiaJi War, and Larcus Acilius was in 

command of it. They advised him to take the army for 
the sake of safety, to go to Rome, ajia to take ven- 
geance upon the murderers. The soldiers would be 
hostile tov/ard the murderers because they had been 
fond of Caesar, ana their sympathy would increase 
when they saw the boy. But this seemed a difficult 
course for a very young man, and too much for his 
present youth and inexperience, especially since the 


dispoeition of the people toward him was not clea.r as 
yet ojid icany energies were at hajid. Hence this 8Ugij;eE- 
tion v/as not adopted. 

Avengers of Caesar were expected to appear from 
amon^i those who in his lifetirae had come upon good 
fortune at his hands or who had received from him 
power, riches, and valuable gifts, such as they had 
not hoped for even in dreams. Octavius received ad- 
vice of various sorts from different people, as is 
always the case in times when a situation is obscure 
and unsettled, "but he determined to postpone decision 
in the whole matter until he could see those of his 
friends who were preeminently mature and wise and 
secure the aid of their counsel also. He decided 
therefore to refrain from action, but to go to Rome, 
and having first arrived in Italy , to find out what 
had taken place after Caesar's murder, and to take 
counsel with the people there concerning the entire 
17. His retinue then began preparations for the 

voyage. Alexander pleadin^i his age and ill health, 
returned to his home at i^ergamum. The inhnbitants 
of Apollonia came in multitudes and for some time 
affectionately begged Octavius to stay with them. 


Baying that they v/ould put the city to any use that 

he wished, out of good will toward hira amd reverence 

for the deceased. They thought that it would be 

better for hira to await developments in a friendly 
city, since so nany eneraies were abroad. Hov/ever, 
since he aesired to participa,te in wha-tever was done, 
and to avail himself of any opportunity for action, 
he did not change his aecision, but said tha.t he must 
set sail. Then he praised the Apollonians, and after- 
ward when he became master of Rome he conferred on 
then autonomy and immunity and some other not incon- 
siderable favors, and made it one of the most fortu- 
nate of cities. All the people in tears escorted 
him at his departure, admiring his restraint and 
wisdom that he ha,d revealed in his sojourn there; and 
at the same time they were sorry for his lot. 

There came to him from the army not a few from 
the cavalry and infantry, both tribunes and centurions, 
and many others for the sake of serving him, but some 
for their ovm gain. Then they e:diorted him to take 
up arms and they promised that they would take the 
field with him and persuade others also, in order to 
avenge Caesar's death. He commended them, but said 
that he had no need of them at present ;when, hov/ever, he 


would call them to take vengeance, he asked that they 
be ready; and they agreed to this. 

Octavius put out to sea on ships which were at 
hand, though it was still quite perilously wintry, 
and crossing the Ionian Sea, arrived at the nearest 
promontory of Calabria, where the nev/s regarding the 
revolution at Rome had not yet been clearly announced 

to the inhabitants. He came ashore here and started 

on foot for Lupiae. . V/hen he arrived there he met 

people who had been in Rome when Caesar was buried; 

and they told him, among other things, that he had 

been named in the will as Caesar's son, inheriting 

three fourths of his property, the remaining share 

having been set aside to pay the sum of seventy five 


drachraae to each man in the city. He had enjoined 

Atia, the youth's mother, to take charge of his 
burial, but a great crowd had forced its way into 
the forum and had there cremated the body and in- 
terred the remains. They told Octavius that Brutus 
and Cassius and the other murderers had taken posses- 
sion of the Capitol, and were obtaining, through the 
promise of freedom, the slaves as allies. On the 

first two days while Uaesar's frienas were still 

panic stricken many men came and joined the mur- 

derers; but v/hen colonists from the neighboring cities 
(whom Caesar had furnished with grants and had estab- 
lished in those cities) began to come in lexge numbers 

and attach themselves to the followers of Lepidus, the 


master of horse, and to those of Antonius, Caesar's 

colleague in the consulship, who were promising to 

avenge Caesar's death, most of the conspirators' group 
dispersed. The conspirators being thus deserted gath- 
ered some gladiators and others who were implacably 
hostile to oaesar, or who had had a share in the plot. 
A little later, all these came down from the Capito- 
line, having received pledges of safety from Antonius 
who now had a large force, but who for the present 
had given up his plan to avenge Caesar's murder. 
(That was why they were allowed to leave Rome safely 
and go to Antiura. ) iiiven their houses were besieged 
by the people, not under any leader, but the populace 
itself was enraged on account of the murder of Caesar, 
of whom they were fond, and especially when they had 
seen his bloody garment and newly slain body brought 
to burial wiien they had forced their way into the 
forum sind had there interred it. 
18. When Octavius heard this he was moved to tears 
and grief because of his memory and affection for 

the man, and his sorrow stirred anew. Then he stopped 
and waited for other letters from his mother and friends 
in Rome, although he did not disbelieve those who had 
reported the events, lor he saw no reason whj' they 
should fabricate any falsehood. After this he set 
sail for Brundisium, for he had now learned that none 
of his enemies were there, though previously he had 
been suspicious lest the city might be held by some 
of them, and consequently he had not recklessly ap- 
proached it directly from the other shore. There 
arrived from his mother also a letter in which was 
written an urgent request for him to return to her 
and the whole household as soon as possible, so that 
no treachery should come upon him from without, see- 
ing that he had been designated Caesar's son. It 
bore out the earlier news, and said that the whole 
populace was aroused against Brutus and Cassius and 
their party, and was greatly vexed at what they had 
done. His stepfather Philippus sent him a letter 

asking- him not to take steps to secure Caesar's be- 


quest but even to retain his own narae because of 

what had happened to Caesar and to live free from 
politics and in safety. Octavius knew that this ad- 
vice was given with kind intent, but he thought dif- 


ferently, as he already had his mind on great things 
and he was full of confidence; he therefore took upon 
himself the toil ana dsmger and the eniaity of men 
whom he did not care to please. Nor did he propose 
to cede to anj^one a name or a rule so great as his, 

particularly with the state on his side £ind calling 


him to come into his father's honors; and very 

rightly, since both naturally and oy law the office 
"belonged to him, for he was the nearest rela,tive and 
had been ajdopted as son by Caesar himself, and he 
felt that to follow the matter up and avenge his 
death was the proper course to pursue. This is what 
he thought, and he wrote and so answered Philippus , 
though he did not succeed in convincing him. His 
mother Atia v/hen she saw hov/ glorious his fortune 
was and the extent of the empire rejoiced that it 
devolved upon her own son; but on the other hand 
knov/ing; that the unc.ertaking v/as full of fear and 
danger, and having seen what had happened to her 
uncle CJaesar, she was not very enthusiastic; so it 
looked as though she v/as between the view of her hus- 
band Philippus and the.t of her son. Hence she felt 
many carec , now anxious when she enumeratea all the 
dangers av/aiting one striving for supreme power, and 


novv elated when she thought of the extent of that 
power and honor. Therefore she did not dare to dis- 
suade her son from attempting the great deed and 
effecting a just requital, but still she did not ven- 
ture to urge him on, hecause fortune seemed somewhat 
obscure. ' She penaitted his use of the narae Oaesar 
and in fact was the first to asi;ent. Octavian, hav- 
ing made inquiry as to wha-t all his friends thought 
about this also, without delay accepted both the name 

sold the adoption, with tiood fortune and favorable 



This was the beginning of good both for himself 
and all mankind, but especially for the state and the 

entire Roman people. He sent immediately to Asia 

for the money and means that Caesar had previously 

aespatched for the Parthian war, and when he received 

it along with a year's tribute from the people of 

Asia, contenting himself with the position that had 

belonged to Caesar he turned the public property 

over to the state treasury. At that time, too, some 

of his friends urged him as they had at Apollonia to 

go to Caesar's colonies and to levy an army, induc- 
ing the men to join an expedition on his behalf by 

employing the prestige of the great name of Caesar. 


Thsy declared that the soldiers would gladly follow 
the leadership of Caesar's eon a-nd would do everything 
for him; for there persisted among them a wonderful 
loyalty and good will towara Caesar and a memory of 
what they had accomplished with him in his lifetime, 
and they desired under the auspices of i-aesar's name 
to v/in the power which they had formerly bestowed 
upon Caesar. However, the opportunity for this did 
not seem to he at hand. Ke therefore turned his atten- 
tion toward seeking legally, through a senatorial 

decree, the dignity his father had held; and he 

vvas careful not to acquire the reputation of being 
one who was ambitious and not a law-abiding man. 
Accordingly, he listened especially to the eldest of 
his friends and those of the greatest experience, 
and set out from Erundisi'um for Rome. 
3.9. jjTom this point my na^rrative will investigate 
the manner in which the assassins formed their con- 
spiracy a-gainst Caesar and hov/ they worked out the 
v/hole affair, and what happened afterward when the 
whole state was shaken. Accordingly, I shall in the 
first place rehearse the circuiustances of the plot 
itself, its reasons, and its final momentous outcome. 
In the next place I shall speak of Octavian on whose 


account this narrative was undertalcen; how he came 
into power, and how, after he had taken Iiis preaeces- 
sor's place, he employed himself in deeds of peace 
and war. 

At first a fev/ men started the conspiracy, ' 
hut afterwards many took part, more than are remem- 
bered to have taken part in any earlier plot against 

a commander. They say that there were more than 

eighty who had a share in it. ' Axiiong those who had 

the most influence v/ere: Decimus Brutus, a particular 

friend of Caesar, Caius Cassius, and Larcus Brutus, 

second to none in the estimation of the Romans a,t 

that time. All these were formerly members of the 

opposite faction, and had tried to further Pompeius' 

interests, ' but when he was defeated, they came under 

Caesar's jurisdiction and lived quietly for the time 

being; but although Caesar tried to win them over 

individually by kindly treatment, they never abandoned 

their hope of doing him harm. ' He on his part was 

naturally without grudge a,gainst the beaten party, 

because of a certain leniency of disposition, ' but 

they, using to their own advantage his lack of sus- 
picion, by seductive words and pretence of deeds 
treated him in such a way as to more readily escape 


detection in their plot. There v/ere various reasons 
which aiTected each and all of them and impelled them 
to lay hands on the man. Some of them had hopes of 
becominfe; leaders themselves in his place if he were 
put out of the Y/ay; others were angered over v/hat had 
happened to them in the war, embittered over the loss 
of their relatives, property, or offices of state. 
They concealed the fact that they v.'ere angr^-' , and 
made the pretense of something more seemly, saying 
that they were displeased at the rule of a single 
man and that they v/ere striving for a. republican form 
of governn^ent, different people had different reasons, 
all brought together by whatever pretext they happened 

At first the ringleaders conspired; then many 
more joined, some of their own accord beca,use of per- 
sonal grievances, some because they had been associated 
with the others and v/ished to show plainly the good 
faith in their long standing friendship, and according- 
ly became their associates. There were some who v;ere 
of neither of these types, but v/ho had agreed because 
of the worth of the others, a-nd who resented the 
power of one man after the long-standing republican 
constitution. They were very glad not to start the 


affair themselves, "but were willing to join such com- 
pany when someone else had initiated proceedings, not 
even hesitating to pay the pena-lty if neod be. The 
reputation which had loniz "been attached to the Brutus 
family wae very influentia.1 in causing the uprising, 
for Brutus' ancestors had overthrown the kings v/ho 

ruleo from the time of Romulus, and they had first 


established republican government in Rome. Liore- 

over, men who had been friends of Caesar v;ere no 
longer similarly well disposed toward him when they 
saw people who v/ere previously his enemies saved by 
him and given honors equal to their own. In fact, 

even these others were not particularly v;ell cisposed 

toT/ard him, for their ancient grudges took prece- 
dence over gratitude and made them forgetful of their 
good fortune in being saved, while, v/hen they remem- 
bered the good things they had lost in being defeated, 
they were provoked. Many also hated him because they 
had been saved by him although he had been irreproach- 
able in his behavior toward them in ev.ry respect; 
but nevertheless, the very thought of receiving as a 
favor the benefits which as victors they would readi- 
ly have enjoyed, annoyed them verj' much. 

Then there was another class of men, namely those 


vrho had served with hira, whether as officers or pri- 
vates, and who did not get a shG,re of glory. They 
asserted that prisoners of war v;^.re enrolled ar;iong 
the veteran forces and that they received identical 
pay. Accordingly, his friends were incensed at iDeing 
rated as equal to those whom they themselves ha.d taken 
prisoners, and indeed they v;ere even outranked by 
some of them. To many, also, the fact that they bene- 
fitted at his hands, both by gifts of property esid by 
appointments to offices, v/as a special source of 
grievance, since he alone v/s.s able to bestov* such 
benefits, and everyone else was ignored as of no im- 
portance. \f!aen he became exalted through many notable 

victories (which was fair enough) and began to think 

8 ) 
himself super human the common people worshipped 

him, but he began to be obnoxious to the optimates 
and to those v/ho were trying to obtain a share in the 
government. And so, every kind of combined against 
him: great and small, friend and foe, military and 
political, every one of v/hom put forv/ard his own par- 
ticular pretext for the matter in hand, and a.s a result 
of his own complaints each lent a ready ear to the 

accusations of the others. They all confirmed each 

other in their conspiracy and they furnished as surety 


to one another the grievances which they held several- 
ly in private against him. Hence, though the number 
of conspirators becejne so great, no one dared to give 
information of the fact. Some say, however, that a 
little before his death, Caesar received a note in 
which warning of the plot v/as given, and that he v/as 
murdered with it in his hands before he had a chance 

to read it, a,nd that it v/as found among other notes 

after his death. 

20. However, all this becaioe knov/n subsequently. At 

that time some wished to gratify him by voting him 

one honor after another, while others treacherously 

included extra-vagant honors, and published them, so 

that he might become an object of envy and suspicion 

to all. Caesar was of guileless disposition and was 

unskilled in political practices by reason of his 

foreign campaigns, so that he was easily taken in by 

these people, supposing, naturally enough, that their 

cotu.iendations came rather from men who admij ed him 

than from men who were plotting against him. 

To those who v/ere in authority this lueasure was 
especie,lly displeasing: that the people were nov/ ren- 
dered pov/erless to make appointments to office, and 
that oaesar was given the right of investure to bestow 


upon v.'homBoever he pleased. An ordinance voted not 

long before provided thie. furthermore, all sorts 

of rumorb were being bandied about in the crowd, 

some telling one story, others smother. Some said 

that he had decided to establish a capital of the 

whole empire in iigypt, a.nd that Q,ueen Cleopatra had 

lain with him and borne him a son, named Gyrus, there. 

This he himself refuted in his will as false. 

Others said tha-t he was going to do the same thing 

at Troy, on account of his ancient connection with 


the Trojan race. 

Something else, such as it was, took place 
which especially stirred the conspirators against 

him. There was a golden statue of him which had 

been erectea on the rostra by vote of the people. 

A &iao.em appeared on it, encircling the head, v/here- 

upon the i^omans became very suspicious, supposing 

that it was a symbol of servitude. Two of the 


tribunes, Lucius and oaius, came up and orderea 

one of their subordinates to climb up, take it down, 
and throv/ it away. Vv'hen Caesar discovered what had 
happened, he convened the senate in the temple of 


Concordia and arraigned the tribunes, asserting 
that they themselves had secretly placed the diadem 


on the statue, so that they niifjht have a chance to 
insult him openly -hue fejet credit for doin^v a 
brave deed by dishonoring the statue, caring nothing 
. either for hin. or for the senate. He continued 
that their action was one which indicated a more 
serious resolution and plot: if somehow they might 
slander him to the people as a seeker after uncon- 
stitutional power, ejxcL thus (themselves stirring up 

an insurrection) to slay him. After this address, 

with the concurrence of the sens.te he banished them. 

Accordingly, they went off into exile and other 

tribunes were appointed in their place. Then the 

people clamored that he become king and they shouted 

that there should be no longer any delay in crowning 

him as such, for fortune had already crowned him. 

But Caesar declared that although he would grant the 

people everything because of their good will toward 

him., he would never a,llov/ this step; and he asked 

their indulgence for contradicting their wishes in 

preserving the old form of government, saying that 

he preferred to hold the office of consul in accord- 

ance v^ith the law to being king illegally. 

21. Such was the people's talk at that time. Later, 

in the course of the v/inter, a festival was held in 

Rome, called Luperca,lia, in v/hich olc. and young men 
together teJce part in a procession, nakea except for 
a girdle, and anointed, railing bX those whom they 
meet and striking them with pieces of goat's hide. 
When this festiva-l came on Larcus Antonius was chosen 
director. He proceeded through the forum, as was the 
custom, and the rest of the throng followed him. 

Caesar was sitting in a golden chair on the Rostra , 

wearing a purple toga. At first Liciniue advanced 

toward him carrying a laurel wreath, though inside 

it a diadem was plainly visible. He mounted up, 

pushed up by his colleagues (for the place from which 

Caesar was accustomed to address the assembly was 

high), and set the diadem down before Caese^r's feet. 

Amid the cheers of the crowd he placed it on oaesar's 

head. Thereupon Caesar called Lepidus, the master 

of horse, to ward him off, but Lepidus hesitated. 

In the meanv/hile Cassius Longinus, one of the con- 
spirators, pretending to be really well disposed 
toward i-^aesar so that he might the more readily es- 
cape suspicion, hurriedly removed the diadem and 

placed it in Caesar's lap. Publius Casca was also 

with him. ^Vhile Caesar kept rejecting it, and 

among the shouts of the people, Antonius suddenly 


rushed up, naked and anointed, just as he was in the 
procession, end placed it on hie head. But Caesar 
snatched it off, and threw it into the crowd. Those 
who v/ere standing at some distajice applauded this 
action, but those who were near at hand claiaored 
that he should accept it and not repel the people's 
favor. Various individuals held different views of 
the matter. Some were angry, thinking it an indica- 
tion of power out of place in a deinocracy ; others, 
thinking to court favor, approved; still others 
spread the report that Antonius had acted as he did 
not without Caesar's connivance. There were xnajiy 
who were quite willing that Caesar be made king open- 
ly. All sorts of talk began to go through the crov/d. 
When Antonius crowned Caesar a second time, the people 
shouted in chorus, 'Hail, King; ' ' but Caesar still 
refusing the crown, ordered it to be taken to the 
temple of *^apitoline Jupiter, saying that it v/as 
more appropriate there. Again the same people ap- 
plauded as before. There is told another story, that 
Antonius acted thus wishing to in^^ratiate himself 

with Caesar, and e.t the same time was cherishing the 


hope of being adopted as his son. iTinally, he em- 
brace ed Caesar and gave the crown to some of the men 


standing near to place it on the head of the statue 
of Caesar which v.'a-s near by. This they did. Of all 
the occurrenceB of that time this was not the least 
influential in hastening the action of the conspira- 
tors, for it proved to their very eyes the truth of 

the suspicions they entertained. 

22. Not long after this, the praetor Cinna pro- 
pitiated Caesar to the extent of securing a decree 
which allowed the exiled tribunes to return. Though 
in accordance with the v/ish of the people they were 
not to resume their office, but to remain private 
citizens, yet not excluded from public affairs. 
Ca.eBa,r did not prevent their recall, so they returned. 

Caesar called the annual comitia (for he had the 

authority of a decree to do so) ' ajid appointed 

Vibius Pansa and Aulus Hirtius as consuls for the 

ensuing year; for the year after that, L'ecimus Brutus, 

one of the conspirators, ajid kunatius Plancus. I'irect- 

ly after this, another thing happened that greatly 

aroused the conspirators. Laesa^r was having a large, 

handsome forum laid out in Rome, and he had called 

together the artisajis ana was letting the contracts 

for its construction. In the meanwhile up came a 

proceBsion of Roman nobles, to confer the honors 

which had just been voted him by common consent. In 

the lead v/as the consul (the one who v/as oaesar'e 

colleague a,t that time), and he carried the decree 

with him. In front of him were lictore, keeping the 

crowd back on either side. V/ith the consul carr.e the 

praetors, tribunes, quaestors, sjnd all the other 

officials. -Text came the senate in orderly formation, 

and then a multitude of enormous size - never so large, 

The dignity of the nobles was awe-inspiring - they 

were entrusted with the rule of the whole empire, and 

yet looked with admiration on another as if he were 

still greater. Caesar v;as seated ' while they ad- 
vanced and because he was conversing with men stajid- 
ing to one side, he did not turn his head tov/ard the 
approaching procession or pay any attention to it, 
but continued to prosecute the business which he had 
on hand, until one of his friends, nearby, said, 
•Look at these people coming up in front of you. ' 
Then caesar laid down his papers and turned around 

and listened to v/hat they had come to say. Nov/ 

among their number were the conspirators, who filled 

the others with ill-will toward him, though the 

others were already offenaed at him because of this 



Then thoue aleo v/ere excited who wished to lay 
hands on him not to recover liberty but to destroy 
the entire extant system; they were looking for an 
opportunity to overcome one who seemed to be abso- 
lutely invincible. jj'or, although he had participated 
up to this time in three hundred ajid two battles in 
both Asia ana iiurope, it appeared that he had never 
been worsted. bince, hov/ever, he frequently came 
out by himself ana appeared before them, the hope 
arose that he could be taken by treachery. They tried 
to bring about, somehow, the dismissal of his body 
guard by flattering him when they addressed him, say- 
ing that he ought to be considered sacred in the eyes 
of all and be called 'pater patriae' ; and by pro- 
posing decrees to that effect in the hope that he 
would be thus misled and actually trust to their af- 
fection, and that he would dismiss his spearmen in 
the belief that he was guarded by the good will of 

everyone. This actually came to pass, and ma,de their 

task far ea.sier. 

23. The conspirators never met to make their plans 
in the open, but in secret, a few at a time in each 
other's houses. As was natural, many plans were pro- 
posed ana set in motion by them as they considered 


how ana when they should connit the awful deed. Dome 
proposed to attack him while on his way through the 
'Via oacra', for he often walked there; others, at 

the time of the comitia, when he had to cross a cer- 

tain bridge to hold the election of mat^istrates in 

the field before the city. They would so divide 
their duties by lot that some should jostle him off 
the bridge and the others should rush upon him and 
slay him. Others proposed that he be attacked v/hen 
the gladiatorial shows were held (they were near 
at hand), for then, because of these contests no 
suspicion would be a^roused in the sight of men armed -i^. 
for the deed. The majority urged that he be killed 
during the session of the senate, for then he was 
likely to be alone. There v/as no aomittance to non- 
members, and many of the senators were conspirators, 

and carried sv/ords under their togas. This plan was 


adopted. Fortune had a part in this by causing 

Caesar himself to set a certain day on which the 
members of the senate were to assemble to consider 
certain motions which he wished to introduce. uhen 
the appointed day came the conspirators assembled, 
prepared in all respects. They met in the portico 
of Pompeius' theatre, where they sometimes {gathered. 


-3B- 31- 

ThUB the divinity showed the vanity of msji's estate - 
how very unstable it is, and subject to the vaj^ariee 
of fortune - for oaesar was brought to the house of 
his enemy, there to lie, a corpse, before the statue 
of one whom, now dead, he had defeated when he was 
alive. And fate becomes a still stronger force if 
indeed one acknowledges her part in these things: on 
that day his friends, drav/ing conclusions from certain 
auguries, tried to prevent him from going to the 
senate room, as did also his physicians on account of 
vertigoes to v/hich he was sometimes subject, and from 
which he was at that time suffering; ana especially 
his wife *^alpurnia, who was terrified by a dream that 
night, bhe clung to him and said she would not 
let him go out that day. But Brutus, one of the con- 
spirators, though he v/as at that time thought to be 
one of his most intimate friends, came up to him and 
said: 'What do you say, Caesar? Are you going to pay 
any attention to a woman's areams and foolish men's 
oinens, a man such as you? Are you going to insult 
the senate which has honored you and which you your- 
self convened, by not going out? No; if you take v;iy 
advice you will dismiss from your mind the creams of 
these people and go, for the senate has been in 


eession since morning, and ie awaiting you.' He was 
persuaded and v/ent out . 
24. Leanwhile the assassins were making ready, some 

of them stationing themselves beside his chair, others 
in front of it, others behind it. The augurs brought 
forward the victims for him to make his final sacrifice 
before his entry into the senate room. It was manifest 
that the omens were unfavorable. The augurs substi- 
tuted one animal after another in the attempt to se- 
cure a more auspicious forecast. Finally they said 
that the indics^tions from the gods were unfavorable 
and that there was plainly some sort of curse hiding 
in the victims. In disgust, uaesar turned away toward 
the setting sun, and the augurs interpreted this 
action still more unfavorably. The assassins were on 
hajid and were pleased at all this. Caesar's friends 
begged that he postpone the present session on account 

of v/hat the soothsayers haa said; and for his part, 

he was just giving the order ' to do this, but sudden- 
ly the attendants came to summon him, saying that the 
senate had a quorum. Then Caesar cast a look tov/ard 
his friends. And Brutus approached him again and 
said: 'Come, sir, turn your back on these people's 
nonsense and do not postpone the business that deserves 


ths attention of oaesar ajid of the great empire but 
consider your own v/orth a favorable omen. Thus per- 
suading him, he at the same time took him by the 
hand and led him in, for the sen ate -chamber was near 
by. Caesar followed in silence. '.Vhen he came in 
and the senate saw him, the members rose out of 
respect to him. Those who intended to lay hands on 
him were all about him. The first to come to him 
was Tullius Cimber, whose brother Caesar had exiled, 
and stepping forward as though to make an urgent 

appeal on behalf of his brother, he seized Caesar's 


toga, seeming to act rather boldly for a suppliant, ' 

and thus prevented him from standing up and using his 
hands if he so wished. Caesar was very angry, but 
the men held to their purpose and all suddenly bared 
their daggers ana rushed upon hira. Pirst berviJius 
Casca stabbed him on the left shoulder a little 
above the collar bone, at which he had aimed but 
missed through nervousness. Caesar sprang up to 
defend himself against him, and Casca called to his 
brother, speaking in Creek in his excitement. The 
latter obeyed him anu drove his sword into Caesar's 
side. A moment before Cassius had struck him oblique- 
ly across the face. Leciraue Brutus struck him through 


the thigh. Cassius Longinus was eaiger to ;iive another 
stroke, but he missed and struck Larcus Brutus on the 
hand, kinucius, too, maae a lunge at Caesar but he 
struck Rubrius on the thigh. It looked as if they 
were fit^hting over Caesar. He fell, under many wounds, 
before the statue of Pompey, and there was not one of 
them but struck him as he lay lifeless, to show that 
each of them had had a share in ths deed, until he 
had received thirty-five wounds, and breathed his 
25. A tremendous uproar arose from those who had 

no knowledge of the plot and who were rushing terror- 
stricken from the senate house, thinking that the 
same awful thing was going to happen to tliemselves 
also; and from those of Caesar's associates v;ho were 
outside and who thought that the whole senate was 
involved and that a large army was on hand for the 
purpose; and from those who, ignorant of the affair, 
were terrified and thrown into confusion from the 
suddenness of the noise and from what burst upon 
their view (for all at once the assassins, with 
bloody daggers in their hanas ...}''■' The whole place 
was full of people running and shouting. There was 
a crowd, too, in the theatre, which got up and 


rushed out in disorder (there happened to be a gladi- 
atorial exhibition in progress) knowing nothing 
definite of what- had happened but frightened by the 
shouting all about them. said that the senate 
was being slaughtered by t^ladiators, others that 
Caes-^r haa been murdered and that his army had start- 
ed to pillage the city; some got one impression, 
others another. There v/as nothing clear to be heard, 
for there was a continuous tumult until the people 

saw the assassins and Larcus Brutus trying to stop 

the outcry and exliorting the people to be of good 

courage, for that no evil ha,d taken place. The sum 
and substance of his words (as the rest of the 
assassins also loualy boasted) was that they had 
slain a tyrant. It was proposed by some of the con- 
spirators that they ought to put out of the way still 
others who were likely to oppose them and again try 

to i3ain control. They say that karcus Brutus re- 

strained them, declaring that it y;as not right to 

kill, for the sake of vague suspicion, people against 
whom there was no clear charge; and this view pre- 
vailed. Then rushing forth the assassins fled in 
haste through the i'orum up to the oapitoline, carry- 
ing their swords bare and shouting that they had 


acted in behalf of common freedom. A great crowd 
of gladiators and slaves, who had been prepared for 
the purpose, followed them. There was much running 
in the streets and through the forum, now that the 
nev/s tha,t Caesar had been murdered became known to 
the throng. The city looked as if it had been occupied 
by an enemy. After the conspirators had ascended the 
Capitoline, they distributed themselves in a circle 
about the place and mounted guard, fearing that 
Caesar's soldiers would a,ttack them. 
26. The body of L-aesar lay just where it fell, ig- 
nominiously stained with blood - a man who had ad- 
vanced westward as far as Britain and the Ocean, and 
who had intended to a.dva.nce eastward against the 
realms of the Parthians and Indi, so that, with 
them also subdued, an empire of all land and sea 
might be broUii,ht unaer the power of a single head. 
There he lay, no one daring to remain to remove the 
body. Those of his friends who had been present had 
run away, and those who were away remained hidden 
in their houses, or else changed their clothing and 
went out into the country districts nearby. Not one 
of his many friends stood by him, either while he 
was being slaughtered or afterward, except Calvisius 


Sabinus and Censorinus; ' but these also, though they 

offered some slight opposition when Brutus and caesius 

and their followers made their attack, had to flee 

because of the greater number of their opponents. 

All the others looked out for themselves smd some 

even acquiesced in what had occurred. They say that 

one of them thus addressed the body: 'Enough of 

truckling to a tyrant,' A little later, three slaves, 

who v/ere nearby, placed the body on a litter and 
carried it home through the forum, showing, where 
the covering was drawn back on each side, the hands 
hanging limp and the wounas on the face. Then no 
one refrained from tears, seeing hii;; v/ho had lately 
been honored like a god. Much weeping and lamenta- 
tion accompanied them from either side, from mourners 
on the roofs, in the streets, and in the vestibules. 
When they approached his house, a far greater wail- 
ing met their ears, for his wife rushed out with a 
number of women and servants, calling on her husband 
ajid bewailing her lot in that she had in vain coun- 
seled him not to go out on that day. But he had met 
with a fate far worse than she ever expected. 
26 b. These were now preparing for his burial, but 
the assassins haa secured a number of gladiators 


soine time prsvioua to the aeed when they were about 
to attack hiri and had placed them under arnis, between 
the senate house and the theatre in Pompeius' arcade. 
LeciiBue Brutus had got them ready under the pretext 
that he wishea to seize one of the gladiators who 
were assembling in that theatre, a man whom he had 
previously hired. (The contests were taking place 
at that time, and as he was going to conduct some 
himself, he pretended that he was jealous of the 
present exhibitor.) As a matter of fact, this prepa- 
ra.tion was more v/ith reference to the a.ssassination, 

so that, in case any resistance should be offered by 

Caesar's guards, the conspirators should have assis- 
tance at hand. V/ith these gladiators and an addi- 
tional throng of slaves they descended from the 
Capitoline. Calling together the people, they de- 
cided to test them and the L-iagistrates, finding out 
how they were regarded by them; whether they were 

looked upon &b having ended a tyranny or as murderers. 

... that still greater ills v/ere likely to burst 

forth in consequence of the late deed; for the action 

had taken place with no inconsiderable forethought 

amd preparation on the part of those v/ho accomplished 

it, and on the part of those against .vhom the plot 


was laid; and that there was a considerable number 
of <^aesar's auxiliary troops and i/r.portant commanders 
still left, who would take over the task of carrying 
out his plane. There was profounu silence then be- 
cause of the unusual nature of the situation, for 
men's minds v/ere confusea, everyone watching eagerly 
to see what bold move might first be made in such a 
crisis, and be the beginning of a revolution, i^ean- 
while since the people v/ere quietly awaiting the con- 
sequences, Larcus Brutus (honored throughout his whole 
life because of his discretion and the renown of hie 
ancestors and the fairness which he was supposed to 
have; the following speech. ' ^See my work; 
'Concerning Public Speeches.') 
27. After this harangue the conspirators withdrew 
again to the Capitoline and took council ' as to 
v/hat ought to be done unaer the present circui.istances. 

They decided to send envoys to Lepidus ana Antonius 

to persuade them to come to them in the temple and 

there confer v/ith them in planning the future of the 

state; and to promise them that everything which 

they possessed from Caesar's hajids v/ould be considered 

as authorized gifts, so that there would be no cause 

for dissent on these grounds. \then the envoys 


arrived iVntonius ana Lepidus said that they would 
answer on the following aay. These things were done 
in the' late evening, and a greater confusion laid 
hold on the city, iiveryone saw to his. own property, 
deserting' the public interests, for they feared sud- 
den plots and attack^, "seeing that the leaders were 
encamped under arms in opposition to each other; nor 
was it yet clear to them v/ho would gain complete con- 
trol, tjhen n'ie,ht csji^e on they dispersed. On the 

following day the consul Antonius was under arms; 

ano Lepidus, having collected a considerable force 

of auxiliaries proceeded through the middle of the 
forum, having decided to avenge Caesar. V/hen those 
v;ho hac. previously teen in doubt saw this, the^ 
joined Antonius and Lepidus, v/ith their respective 
retinues under arms, and the result was an army of 
considerable size. There were some who acted thus 
through fear, not v/ishing to seem too delighted eX 
Caesar's death, and a.t the same time looking to 
their future interests by joining the consuls. 

MaJiy messages were sent to those who had bene- 
fitted at Caesar's hands (whether through grants of 
dwelling places in cities, through grants of land, 
or allotments of n.oney) saying that everything would 


"bc changed unless some strenuous efforts v/ere exerted 
"by them as well. Then his friends received many 
inournful entres,ties, reminding thoce especially who 
had once taken the field with him how he ha,d suffered 
death abandoned by his friends, great as he was. 
Accordingly', many joined the consuls out of compassion 
and friendship, finding a chance for private gain as 
well as what would result from a revolution," ' es- 
pecially since the course of their opponents seemed 
to lack vigor and W8.s not what they previously expected 
it to be when they believed that they had a stronger 
force. Now it v/as openly said that Caesar must be 
avenged, and that this v/as the only thing to do, and 
that his death must not go unpunished. Gathering 
into groups they expressed various views, some sug- 
gesting one course, others another. 

However, those who advocated a republica,n form 
of government v/ere gratified at the whole change, 
and only blamed Caesar's murderers because they had 
not done away with more of the people who were at 
that time viewed with suspicion, and thus brought 
about a real liberty; for those who were still left 
would be likely to ti"ve considerable trouble. There 
v/ere also men v/ho had a reputation for greater fore- 


eifciht, and who had gained knowledge from experience 
v/ith what had happened before in Sulla's tir;ie; the^ 
cautioned one another to keep to a middle course, 
for at the time of Sulla those v/ho were thought to 
have been cestroyed, suddenly took fresh courage and 
drove out their late conquerors. They declared that 
Caesar v/ould give his murderers and their companions 
much trouble, even though he was dead, since here 
was a large force threatening them, v.'ith energetic 
men in charge of it. 

AntoniuB and his associates before preparing 
for action sent a legation to parley v;ith the forces 
on the Capitoline, but later, emboldened by the amount 
of their arms and the number of their men, they felt 
justified in taking full charge of the government, 
and ending the disturbance in the city. Pirst of all 
they took council (having asked their friends to be 
present) how they ou^'ht to act toward the assassins. 
Lepidus proposed that they shoulci. fight them and 
avenge Caesar. ' Hirtius thought that they should 

discuss the matter with them and come to friendly 

terms. Someone else, supjjorting Lepidus, expressed 

the opposite opinion, saying that it would be sac- 
rilegious to pass by the murder of Caeear unavenged, 


anc furthermore, it woulc not be safe for all those 
who had been his friends; 'for even if the murcerere 
are inactive nov/, yet ae soon as they get more power, 
they will go still further.' Antonius favored the 
proposal of Hirtius, and voted to save theru. There 

were others who urged that they be dismissed from 

S ) 
the city under truce. ' 

28. After the great Caesar's death and burial, hie 

friends counselled Octavian to cultivate Antonius' 

friendship, and put him in charge of his interests. 

... ' And though there were many other contributory 

2 ) 
causes toward disagreement between them, he ' seemed 

the more ^o incite enmity between them, for he was 

at odds with Octavian, and a pa-rtisan of Antonius. 

Octa.vian, however, in no wise frightened, because 

of his high spirit, gave some exhibitions on the 

occasion of the festival of Venus Genetrix which his 

father had established. He again approached 

iOitonius v/ith a niimber of his friends, requesting 

that permission be given for the throne and wreath 

to be set up in his father's honor. Antonius made 

the same threat as before, if he did not drop that 

proposal and keep quiet. Octavian withdrew and 

made no opposition to the veto of the consul. ViTien 

- J<i- 

he entered the theatre, however, the people applauded 
him loudly, and his father's soldiers, an£;ered because 
he had been prevented from paying tribute to the 
honored memory of his father, gave him, as a mark of 
their approval, one round of applause after another 
all through the performance. Then he counted out for 

the people their allotted money, and that secured 


him their especial good will. ' 

From that day Antonius vsm manifestly still more 
ill disposed toward Octavian who stood in the way of 
the people's zeal for him. Octavian sav/ (v/hat had 
become very plain to him from the present situation) 

that he v/as in need of political authority. He also 

saw that the consuls, secure in much power, were 

openly resisting him. and appropriating still more 

power for themselves, iiven the city treasury, which 

his father had filled with funds, they had emptied 

v;ithin two months after Caesar's death, wasting 

money in large lots on any excuse that offered in 

the general confusion; and furthermore they were on 

good terms with the assassins. So Octavian was 

the only one left to avenge his father, for Antonius 

let the whole matter pass, and v/as even in favor of 

an amnesty for the assassins. A nuczber of men. 


indeed, joined Octavian, but many joined Antonius 
and Dolabella also. There were others v/ho, from a 

middle ground, tried to foment ennity between them, 

a ) 
end in doing so ... The chief of these were the 

following men: Publius, Yibius, Lucius, eJia especially 

9 ) 
Cicero. Octavian was not ignorant of the reason 

why they associated themselves with him, trying to 
provoke him against Antonius, but he did not repel 
them, for he wished to have their assistance and a 
more powerful guard throv/n around him, though he 
7/as aware that each of these men was very little 
concerned over public interests but that they were 
looking about for an opportunity to acquire public 
office and supreme pov/er. To their mind, the man 
who had previously enjoyed that power was out of 
the way, and Octavian was altogether too young and 
not likely to hold out against so great a tuiuult, 
with one man looking out for one thing, another for 
another, and all of them seizing what they could 
for their own gain, i'or with all attention to pub- 
lic welfare put away, and with the foremost citizens 
separated into many factions, and everyone trying 
to encompass all the pov;er for himself, or at least 
as much of it as could be detached, the rule showed 


many strange aspects. 

Lepidus, who had broken off a part of Caesar's 
array and who was trying to seize the comniand hiraself, 
was in nearer Spain; he also held the part of Gaul 
which "borders on the upper sea. Gallia Comata 
Lucius Munatius Plancus, the consul elect, held with 

another amy. Jurther Spain was in cha.rge of 

Gaius Asinius, with ajiother array. Lecinus Brutus 

held Cisalpine Gaul"^*^' with two legions, against whom 

Antonius v/as Just preparing to march. Gaius Brutus ' 

laid claim to kacedonia, and was just about to 

cross over to that place from Italy; oassius Longinus 

laid claim to Syria, though he had been appointed 

praetor for Illyria. So many v/ere the armies 

that had been assembled at that time, so many the 
commanders in charge, each of whom was trying to get 
complete power into his own hands without considera- 
tion of law and justice, every matter being decided 
according to the amount of force that was available 

for application in each case. Octavian alone, to 

17 ) 
whom all the power had justly been bequeathed, ' 

in accordance with the authority of him who had ob- 
tained it in the first instance, and because of his 
relationship to him, was without any share of authori- 


ty whatever, and he was "buffeted between the politi- 
cal en\'y and t^-reed of men v/ho were lyint^ in wait to 
attack him and seize the supreme coninand. Livine 
providence finally ordered these things aright. But 
for the present fearing for his life, knowing 
Antonius' attitude toward him and yet quite unable 
to chamge it, Octavisin remained at home and awaited 
his opportunity. 
29. The first move in the city came from his father's 
soldiers, who resented Antonius' contempt for them. 
At first they discussed their own f orgetfulness of 
Caesar in allowing his son to be thus insulted, that 
Bon for whom they all ought to act as guardians if 
t>iey were to take any account of what was just and 
righteous. Then gathering in a great company and 
reproaching themselves still more bitterly they set 
out for Antonius' house (for he also was relying on 
them) and made some plain statements to him: that 
he ought to treat Octavian more fairly and keep in 
mind his father's instructions; that it was their 
sacred duty not to overlook these, but to carry out 
even the details of his memoranda, not to mention 
supporting the man he had named as his son and suc- 
cessor; that they saw that to Antonius and Octavian 


a reconciliation would be most advantageous at the 
present time because of the multitude of foes press- 
infe on from every side. After this speech Antonius 
in order not to seen to be opposing their endeavor, 

for he happened to be really in need of their ser- 

vices, said that he approved of and desired that 

very course, if only Octavian would also act with 
moderation and render him the honor which was his 
due; that he was ready to have a conference with 
him in their presence and within their hearing. 
They were satisfied with this and agreed to conduct 
hir„ into the Capitol and act as mediators in the 
reconciliation if he sliould so desire. He then 
assented and immediately went up into the temple 
of Juppiter, and sent theni aft,er Octavian. 

They were pleased ana v/ent to his house in a 
great body, so that he felt some anxiety when it 
was announced that there was a large crowd of sol- 
diers outside aJid tha,t some were in the house look- 
ing for him. In his agitation, he first went up- 
stairs with his friends who happened to be present, 
and looking down, asked the men what they wanted 
and why they had come, sind then he discovered that 
they were liis own soldiers. They answered that 


they had come for his own good and that of his whole 
party, if he also was willing to forget what Antonius 
had done, for his actions had not been pleasing to 
them either; that he and Antonius ought to put aside 
all resentment and be reconciled simply and sincerely. 
Then one of them called out in a somewhat louder voice 
and bade him be of good cheer and be assured that he 
had inherited all their support, for they thought of 
his late father as of a god, and would do and suffer 
anything for his successors. Another one shouted 
out still more loudly and said that he would malce 
av;ay with Antonius with his ov/n hands if he did not 
observe the provisions of Caesar's will and keep 
faith with the senate. Octavian, encouraged at this, 
went dovrastairs to them, and embracing them shov/ed 
much pleasure at their eager good will toward him. 
They seized him and led him in triumph through the 
forum to the Capitol, vieing with each other in 
their zeal, some because of their dislike of Antonius' 
rule and others out of reverence for Caesar and his 
heir; others led on (and rightly enough) by the 
hope of obtaining great advantages at his hands, 
and still others v/ho were eager for revenge on the 
assassins, believing that this would be accomplished 


moot readily through the boy if they had the assia- 
tance of the consul also. In fact, all those who 
approached hiru advisea him out of good will not to 
"be contentious but to think of their own safety, 
and hov/ he could gain more supporters, remembering 
how unexpected Caesar's death had been. Octavian 
heard all this and saw that the people's zeal for 
him was natural; he then entered the Capitol and 
saw there many more of his fa.th3r's soldiers, on 
v/hom Antonius was relying, but who were really far 
better disposed toward himself, if Antonius should 
try to injure him in any wa^. The majority of the 

throng withdrew and the two leaders with their 

friends were left to discuss the situation. 

30. V^nen Octavian went home after his reconcilia- 
tion with Antonius, the latter, left to himself, 
hecaaae provoked again at seeing the good will of 
all the soldiers inclining very much tov/ard Octavian. 
For they held that he was Caesar's son and that he 
had been proclaimed his heir in his will, that he 
was called by the same name and that he exhibited 
excellent promise from the very energy of his nature, 
of which Caesar had taken cognizance in bringing 
about his adoption no less than of his degree of 



kinship, in the "belisf that he alone might be 
entrusted with preserving all of caesar's authority 
and the dignity of his house. When Antonius reflect- 
ed on all this he chamised his mind again, especially 
when he saw the Caesarian soldiers desert him right 
before his eyes and escort Octavian in a body from 
the temple, bome thought that he would not have 
refrained from apprehending Octavian, had he not 
been in fear of the soldiers, lest they should set 
on him and mete out punishment, easily diverting 
all his faction from him; for each of them had an 
army which was waiting to see how things would turn 
out. Reflecting on all this, he still delated and 
hesitated, although he had changed his mind. Oc- 
tavian, however, actually believing that the recon- 
ciliation between them v/as in good faith, went every 
day to Antonius' house, as was quite proper, since 
Antonius was consul and an older man and a friend 
of his father's; and he paid him every other respect 
according to his promise until Antonius did him a 
second wrong in the following manner: Having ac- 

quired the province of liaul in exchange for iwace- 

Qonia, he transferred the troops which were in 

the latter pl=ce to Italy, and when they arrived 


he left Rone and went down as far as Brundisium to 

meet them. Then, thinking that he had a suitable 

opportunity for what he had in mind, he spread a 
report that he was being plotted against, and seiz- 
ing some soldiers, he threw them into chains, on the 
pretext that they had been sent for this very purpose 
of killing him. He hinted at Octavian but did not 
definitely name him. The report quickly ran through 
the city that the consul had been plotted against, 
but had seized the men who had come to attack him. 
Then his friends gathered at his house, and soldiers 
under arras were sximmoned. In the late afternoon 
the report reached Octavian also that Antonius had 
been in danger of being assassinated, and that he 
was sending for troops to guard him that night. Im- 
mediately Octavian sent word to him that he was 
ready to stand beside his bed with his own retinue 
to keep him safe, for he thought that the plot had 
been laid by some of the party of Brutus and Cassius. 
He was thus in readiness to do aji act of kindness 
entirely unsuspicious of the rumor Antonius had 
started or of the plot. Antonius, however, did not 
even permit the messenger to be received indoors, 
but dismissed him discourteously. The messenger 


returned after hearing fuller reports and announced 
to Octavian that his name was being mentioned among 
the men about Antonius' door as being himself the 
man who had despatched the assassins against Antonius, 
who now were in prison. Octavian when he heard this 
at first did not believe it because of its improbable 
sound, but soon he preceived that the whole plan had 
been directed against himself, so he considered with 

his friends as to what he should do. Philippus and 


Atia his mother came also, at loss over the strange 

turn of affairs, and desiring to know what the report 
meant and what were Antonius' intentions. They ad- 
vised Octavian to withdraw from the city at once for 
a few days until the matter could be investigated 
and cleared up. He, unconscious of any guilt, thought 
that it would be a serious matter for him to conceal 
himself and in a way incriminate himself, for he 
would gain nothing toward his safety by withdrawing, 
while he might the more easily be destroyed in secret 
if he were away from home. Such was the discussion 
in which he v/as then engaged. 

On the following morning he sat as usual with 
his friends and gave orders that the doors be opened 
to those of his townsmen, guests, and soldiers who 


were accustomed to visit him and greet him, and he 
conversed with thera all in his usual way, in no wise 
changing his daily routine. But Antonius called aji 
assembly of his friends and said in their presence 
that he was aware that Octavism had even earlier been 
plotting against him, and that when he was to leave 
the city to go to the army that had come for him, 
he had provided Octaviam with this opportunity 
against him. That one of the men sent to accomplish 
the crime had, "by means of substantial bribes, turned 
informer in the matter; ajid hence he had seized the 
others; and he hs,d now called his friends together 
to hear their opinions as to what should be done in 
the light of the recent events. ViOien Antonius had 
spoken the members of his council asked to be shown 
where the men were who had been seized, so that 
they might find out something from them. Then 
Antonius pretended that this had nothing to do with 
the present business, since, forsooth, it had already 
been confessed to; and he turned the discourse into 
other channels, v/atching eagerly for someone to 
propose that they ought to take vengeance on 
Octavian and not quietly submit. However, they 
all sat in silent thought, since no apparent proof 


lay "before them, until someone said that Antonius 
would GO well to dismiss the assem"bly, saying that 
he ought to act moderately and not stir up any dis- 
turbance, for he was consul. After this discussion, 
Antonius dismissed the assembly. Two or three days 
afterward, he set out for Brundisium to take over 
the army which had now arrived there. There was no 
further discussion about the plot, and when he left, 
his friends who remained behind dismissed the whole 

natter, and no one ever saw any of the conspirators 

who were alleged to have been taken. 

31. Octavian, although now exonerated from the 

charge, was none the less chagrined at the talk 

about him, interpreting it as evidence of a great 

conspiracy against him. He thought that if Antonius 

had happened to get the army on his side by means 

of bribes he woula not h?.ve delayed in attacking 

hiia, not because he had been wronged in any respect, 

but simply led on to that course as an outcome of 

his former hopes. It v;as manifest that a man who 

had concocted this charge would go further to others 

and that he v/ould have been eager to do this from 

the first if he ha.d not had to fear the army. 

Accordingly Octavian v/as filled with righteous indig- 


nation against Antonius and wit}a some concern for 
his own person, now that the other's intention had 
become plain. Reviewing all contingencies, he saw 
that he must not remain quiet, for this was not 
safe, "but that he must seek out some aid wherewith 
to oppose the other's power and strate^ems. So 
then, reflecting upon this question, he decided that 
he had better take refuge in his father's colonies, 
where his father had grajated allotments and founded 
cities, to remind the people of Caesar's beneficence 
and to bewail his fate and his own sufferings, and 
thus to secure their support, attracting them also 
by gifts of money. He thought that this would be 
his only safe course, that it would redound greatly 
ta his fame, and that it would alec redeem the 
prestige of his family. It was a far better and 
juster course than to be pushed aside out of his 
inherited honor by men who ha.d no claim to it, and 
finally to be foully and nefariously slain just as 
his father had been. i\fter consulting over this 
with his friends and after sacrificing, with good 
fortune, to the ,^,ods, chat they might be his assis- 
tants in his just and glorious endeavor, he set out, 
taking with him a considerable sum of money, first 


of all into tampania where were the beventh and 
Eighth Legions (for that is what the Romans call 
their regiments). He thought that he ought first 
to sound the feelings of the Seventh, for its fame 
v/as greater, and v/ith this colony alignea in his 
favor, and many others with it ... and in this 
plan end in the events that followed, he had the 
approval of his friends. These were: Llarcus 

Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus Juventius, Marcus 

liodialius, and Lucius. Other officers, centurions, 

•and soldiers followed, as well as a multitude of 

slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and 


the supplies. As for his mother, he decidea not 

to acquaint her with his plan, lest, out of affec- 
tion sjid v/eakness, like a woman and a mother, she 
might be a hindrance to his great purpose. He gave 
out openly that he was going to Campania to sell 
some of his father's property there, to take the 
money and put it to the uses that his father had 
enjoined. But even so, he went off entirely without 
her consent. 

At that time icarcus Brutus s,nc Gaius Oassius 

were at Uicaearchia, a.nd v/hen they learned of the 

throng tha,t was accompanying Octavian from Rome 


(the messengers having exagL,erated the report, as 
usually happens) they were struck v/ith much fear 
and consternation, thinking that the expedition was 
directed against themselves. They took to flight 
across the Adriatic. Brutus went to Achara, Cassius 

to Syria-, vi/hen Octavian arrived in Calatia in Cam- 


pania, ' the inhabitants received him as the son of 

their tenefactor and treated him with the highest 
honor. On the following day he disclosed the whole 
situation to them and he appealed to the soldiers, 
telling them how unjustly his father had "been killed 
and how he was himself being plotted again&t. As he 
spoke, some of the decurions did not v/ish to listen 
at all, but the people did so eagerly and with good- 
will, and they sympathized with him, frequently bid- 
ding him to be of good cheer, for they v;ould not 
neglect him but v/ould assist him in every way until 
he should be established in his inherited rights. 
Then he invited them to his house and gave each of 
them five hundred drachi.iae; a,nd the next day he 
called together the mem^bers of the curia and appealed 
to them not to be outdone in good v/ill by the people, 
but to remember Caesar v/ho had given them the colony 
and their position of honor. He promised that they 
would experience no less benefits at his own hands. 


He showed that it was more fitting for him to enjoy 
their aid and to niake use of their influence and 
arms than for Antonius to ao so. They v/ere aroused 
to a greater zeal to help him and to undertake trouble 
and danger v/ith him if need be. Octa,vian conur.ended 
their zeal and asked them to accompa,ny him as fa,r as 
the neighboring colonies, and furnish him safe-con- 
duct. The people were pleased at this and gladly 


complied, exerting him under a^rme to the next colony. 

And gathering these also into an assembly, he addressed 
them. He succeeded in persuading both legions to 
escort him to Rome through the other colonies to 
Rome and strenuously to repel any axt of violence 
on the part of Antonius. He attracted other soldiers 
also v/ith high pay, and on the march he trained ajid 
instructed the new recruits, sometimes individua.lly 
and sometimes in squads, telling them tha,t they v/ere 
going against Antonius. He sent some of his follov/ers 

v;ho v/ere preeminent for intelligence and daring to 


BrundisiuB., to see if they could also v/m the 

forces just arrived from kacedonia over to his side, 
bidding then remember his father Caesar and not to 
betray his son. He instructed his propagandists 
that if they could not achieve their purpose in the 


open, they were to write this out and scatter it 

all about so that the men could pick up the notices 

sjid read them; and in order that they might join 

hie party he made promiees that filled the rest 
v/ith hope of v;hat they v;ould receive from him when 
he caxr.e into hie power. So they depexted. 

(End of the Life of Augustus and of the narra- 
tive of Hicolaus of Lariascue. ) 



1. l)26Ba(TT6c . Augustus, i-ust Tse understood. The word 

was doubtless given in the context immediately preced- 
ing the present opening sentence. The title v/as pro- 
posed "by Plancus and v/as ratified "by the senate on Janu- 
ary 16, 27 B.C. (CIL l2 p. 507, Suet., Aug. 7,2; Dio 6S, 
16,6-8; 20,1; Liv.,.apit. 154; Veil. 2, 91,1; Plor.2, 54; 
Mon. Anc.6,16). Hicolaus attaches no significance of 
divinity to the title, though Suetonius and Dio do so. 
Verg.,Ec. 1,6; G. 1,24-59, speaks of Octavian as divine, 
but no attribute of divinity is mentioned in the Aeneid 
with reference to Augustus. 

2) NicolaUB does not necessarily infer that an imperial 
cult existed at this period in Italy, and hence is not 
at variance with Suet., Aug. 52; Dio 51,20, where it is 
stated that Augustus did not permit an imperial cult in 
Italy, although he allowed temples to be erected to 
'Rome and Augustus' in the provinces. See also H. 
Heinen, Klio 11, pp. 159 ff.; W.S. Ferguson, An. Hist. Rev. , 
13, pp. 245 ff. J.Asbach, Rh.iius. , 57, p. 297, is mistaken 
in reasoning that Augustus must have died before any 
v/orship could have taken place. L.R.Taylor, Trans. Am. 
Philol.Ass. , ol,p.l24 suggests that whatever savored of 
an imperial cult in Italy from 50 B.C. on, was in fact 
simply a cult of the ^^epius of the emperor (Dio j1,19, 


7; Ov.,Past. 2,627; Hor.,Od. 4,o,ol-35). 

3) IruBUs ' expedition of 11 B.C. is probably alluded to 
(Veil. ,2,97,2-3; Suet. , Aug. , 21; Dio oo,2,4; Tac.,Ann., 
2,26,12,39). There is a noteworthy' consonance between 
the phrase of Nicolaus, 'nor had they been subject v^ithin 
the neinory of any one' and kon. Anc.,D,44, 'Pannoniorura 
gentes quas ante me principem populi Romani exercitus 
nunquaiii a,diit.' This jaay be due to the use by Nicolaus 
of Augustus' msLioirs. 

4) Adriatic. 

5) Tiberius succeeded Agrippa as leader of expeditions 
against the Pannonians (Mon. Anc.,30; Dio 64,36,2-3)» 

6) A remark of the excerptor is enclosed within the 

2. l) Nicolaus employs the method of a Peripatetic in pre- 
senting the order of events in the life of an individual. 
(Leo, die Griech. Rom. Biogr. ,p.l90) . 

2) His family v/as from Velitrae (Suet. , Aug. ,1,94; Dio 
45,1,1). C. Octavius the father was praetor (Cic.,^. 
frat. 1,1,7) and proconsul for Lacedonia (Suet. , Aug. , 3; 
GIL 6,1311) and was only prevented by death from attain- 
ing the consulship (Cic, Phil. ,3,6,15). 

3) C. Octavius is characterized as rich by Velleius (2,59) 

4) C. Octavius died in 58 B.C. when his son was 4 years 
old ( Suet ., Aug. ,S ) . 

5) One of those involved was C. Torstnius, who had been 


an aeaile with the elder C. Octavius [CIL 6,1311). He 
was in due time proscribed by Augustus, (App.,4,12; Suet., 
Aug., 27) so that Octavius' remission of his claims and 
apparent satisfaction with his reraainder as expressed by 
Nicolaus did not prevent a subsequent day of reckoning. 
S. l) Nicola,us' statement of Octavius' age is not corrobo- 
rated by Cuetonius (Aug. 8) nor by Q,uintilian (l2,6,l) 
who give Octavius' age as 12 years when the oration was 
given. Perhaps separate occasions are referred to by 
Nicolaus and the other writers. If a closer agreement 
is to be desired, sweo: could be altered to evfeexa 
(Muller). Suetonius identifies this occasion with the 
death of Octavius' grandmother Julia, while Nicolaus 
does not expressly do so. His mention of Julia's death 
in the following sentence, however, admits of the infer- 
ence that the one occurrence suggested the other to his 
mind, and that there was therefore some connection be- 
tween them. 

2) With a single exception the name Atia is written 
Antia throughout the excerpt. She was C. Octavius' 
second wife (Plut.,^nt. 51 ) and was from Aricia (Cic, 
Phil., 3,6,16; Suet .,Aug. , 4). 

3) Incorrect as the text stands. Valesius indicated 
that L. Marcius Philippus' ancestor, f^. Msjrcius Philip- 
pus, was engaged not with Philip V of Macedonia but 

with his son Perseus (CIL l,p.359). Either Nicolaus 
was misinformed, or'i'iXiTTnov has been inserted in the 
text "by attraction in pla,ce of Depaea . Cicero (Att. 
12,9) calls L. Philippus 'son of Amyntas' jokingly. 
Amyntas was the father of the great Philip of kacedon. 
Q,. Philippus was actually in Macedonia during Philip's 
lifetime according to Livy (59,48; 40,2-5). The passage 
in Nicolaus shows that the LI.arcii of Cicero's day were 
descended from the noble Marcii active during the 2nd 
century B.C. 

4) Octavius' youth was spent in Rome and the vicinity 
(Suet., Aug. 94). 

5) One of the instructors was one iSpidius (Suet. ,Rhet.4). 
Por the question of his identification, see Schanz, Rom. 
Lit. Gesch. ,l,p.290. 

4. l) Beginning of 49 B.C. 

2) L. Philippus had a covmtry place near Cicero's at 
Astura (Cic ., Att. ,12,16; 12,18,1). 

5) On October 18, 48 B.C. (CIL 10,8575; Lessau, Ins. 
Lat, 6el.,108) since Octavius was born on September 25, 
65 B.C., he was about 15 years old. Suetonius is cor- 
rect in Aug. 8 where he speaks of Octavius as in hie 
tv^elfth year, that is 11 years of age, and places the 
assumption of the toga virilis 4 years later. 
4) L. Lonitius Ahenobarbus was killed at Pharsalus (Cic, 


Phil.,2,71; Caes. , B.C. ,5,99; Suet . .Nero, 2) . Culex 26 
and 27, 'Octavi venerande' and 'sancte puer' show that 
this v/as addressed to Octavius after his election to 
the office of pontifex,' see Class. Philol.lo, p. 26. 

5) The election of Octavius was, of course, at the re- 
quest of Julius Caesar. 

6) That of pontifex tCic. , Phil. , 5,17 ; Veil. ,2, 59 ) . 

7) Valesius took this to "be a reference to a custom 
prevalent in Rome in Cicero's time. S'oppish young men 
and even senators were to be seen arrayed not in the 
ordinary Roman, but in ilastern garb. See Gic.,pro Rab. 
Post., 10, 27, where, however, there is a sli^iht corrup- 
tion of the text. 

5. 1 ) In the autumn of 47, if both consuls were present as 
Hicolaus says. The Periae Latinae were inaugurated in - 
49 (CIL l,p.440, Pasti Cos. Capitolini). The following 
year, 48, Caesar was absent in the Sast, as was also the 
case in 46 and 4o. In 45 'a certain prefect' conducted 
the Periae (Uio 43,48] for Caesar was then sole consul; 
in 48 and 4& the other consul was probabl:,' in charge. 
Por 48 this was bervilus Isauricus and for 46, Lepidus. ^ 
2) As praef actus urbi. Uicolaus is correct and the 
other authors are wrong. App.,3,9; I^io 43,51; Plin., 
N.H.,7,147 say that Octavius becaxae magister equitum 
in this year. Gardthausen, Aug. und seine Zeit, p. 48, 


8hov/s that there is a possibility lor confusion "between 
the terms praefectus urbi and inagieter equituni in the 
writings of the later Greek historians. The latter office 
would be considerably too responsible for a youth of 16 
years, while it is conceivable that the duties of prae- 
fectus urbi, at least during the period of the i?eriae 
when the city was almost entirely deserted, would not be 
excessively onerous. Strabo 5, C 229 and Eio 49,42 show 
that the practice of appointing youths for this office 
was continued by Augustus. 

S) The proper duty of the praefectus urbi (CIL 2,5287). 
6. l) He started for Spain in April, 49 B.C. (Cic. , Att.l0,3a) 
and in due time brought about the surrender of Afranius 
(Caes., B.C. ,1,27-87; App.2,42; Die 41,22; Suet. ,Caes.54; 


2) Pharsalus, August 9 (-June 7 correctec calendar) 48 
B.C. (Caes.,B.C.,.i,7&-99; App.2,64-82; Dio 41,51-62; CIL 
l2 p. 224). 

S) Referring to the Bellum Alexandrinui;:. In point of fact, 
Caesar left Egypt nominally free to be ruled by Cleopatra. 
4) The Black Sea. The reference to the battle at Zela is 
Y:ith Pharnaces, son of iiithradates, whom he overcame on 
August 2/Li^ 21, 47 B.C. (CIL 1^ p. 244). This was the 
occasion of the celebrated 'veni vidi vici.' 


o) Caesar embarked at Li lybaeurn on Xecemter 2d, 47 B.C. 
(Caes., B.Af.,2). 

7. l) Caesar arrived July 29, 46 B.C. (Caes.,B.Af. 98j. The 
decisive battle v.-ae Thapsus, April fc, reported in Rome 
about April 20 (CicPam. 9,2). 

2) It was Caesar's practice to put to death any v/ho fell 
captive to him a second time (lio 41,62; 4S,17; 44,45; 
44, 46; Suet., Caes., 75). In describing the incident 
which follows, however, Nicolaus seeir;s to have exaggerated 
the iiiiportance of Octavius' exploit, for in every case of 
similar circvunstajices Caesar allov/ed each of his subor- 
dinates to secure the release of one prisoner. I'io 4S, 
12-1£ says further that Caesar released Cato's son and 
'most of the rest.' Nicolaus evidently drew from Augus- 
tus' personal memoirs of his youth for this portion of 
the biography, and found it advantageous to emphasize 
Octavius' act at this juncture. Jor a contemporary com- 
mentary, see Cic.,i"am. 6,15,5, where Caesar is said to 
be especially incensed at those involved in the African 
distrubance, but that with the lapse of time he seems 
to have become more indult,ent toward them. 
5) This is the firnt indication that Agrippa v/as already 
a comps-nion of Octavius. i>ee Sen. ,%is. ,15, 2, 46. 

8. 1) Caesar had 4 triumphs: for Gaul, figypt, Pontus, and 
Africa (Liv.,Epit. ,llj; App. ,2,101; Lio 4£,19). 


2) Octavius was, through hie mother, grsindson of Caesar' e 
Bieter Julia. Suetonius (Caes. 8;^,l) is explicit in 
stating that Caesp-r's will wherehy Octavius was adopted 
as Caesar's son, was ri;ade on September li^i, 4o B.C. Nico- 
laue has here either anticipated this accepted date by 
something more than a year, or else he had access to a 
statement in Augustus* memoirs to the effect that Octa-vius 
knew of the existence of an earlier will in which he had 
been made Caesar's adopted son. 

3) Nicolaus is probably referring to the 'coeinoiiien impera- 
toris' and not to the 'praenomen impera,toris. ' According 
to Dio 4c, 44, the 'praenomen imperatoris' was not con- 
ferred upon Caesar until after the battle of Munda, some 
seven months later. However, if Nicolaus felt any unusual 
significejice in the title Imperator as here mentioned, we 
have sji indication that Caesar actually held the new title 
prior to the date given by Dio. Suetoniuj^ (Cae8.76) in- 
cluding; 'praenomen imperatoris' in a group of various 
honors conferred upon uaesar, gives no date or correlative 
occurrence in this connection. See McFayden, The History 
of the Title Imperator under the Roman Empire, Chicago 
1920, pp. 7 ff. 

9. l) The plays and games (Cic. ,Pam.l2,18,2; Livj'-, iilpit., 
116; Lie 45, 22-24; App. 2.10;;.; Plut . ,Cae6 . , 55; Suet., 
Aug., 29; Veil. 2,56j were given immediately after Caesar's 


dedication of the temple to Venus Genetrix on September 
26, (= July 20 corrected calendar) 46 B.C. Augustus con- 
tinued these games annually as the 'ludi Victoriae Cae- 
saris' on July 25. Vergil seems to have them in mind 
in writing Aeneld 5 and Oatalpeton 14, see Class. Quart. 
14, p. 156. The ludi Romani and ludi Graeci were given 
separately' (Suet.,Aui;. 45; Tac. ,Annal.l4,lo) . See also 
CIL 6, S2325; Dessau, Ins. Lat. , 5050, an account of the 
Ludi Saeculares of 17 B.C. In addition to the Theatre 
of Pompey, a temporary wooden stage was erected for the 
ludi Latini in 46 B.C. as in 17 B.C. (line 154 of the 

2) The effects of the sunstroke were, however, apparent- 
ly lasting throughout Octavius' life. He was unable to 
withstand the Italian sun even in v/inter, and never 
v;ent out into the open without a hat (suet.,Aug.,82). 
10. l) To Spain. He started apparently in November of 

46 B.C. He was still in Rome on September 24 (Cic, 
Fam. , 6,14,2). Nearly a month wa,s consumed in his 
journey thither (strabo o,4,9; App.2,103; Suet.,Caes.f 

2) Sextus PompeiUE had 11 legions in a.ll. oaesar had 
sent to Cicero in January, 45 B.C., a copy of a letter 
which he had received from L. Vibius Paciaecus, one 
of his subordinates in Spain v/ho was in a position to 


knov/, a,nd who gave this figure (Cic. .i^am. ,6,18,2). 
3) Seven monthe had not elapsed between Caesar's de- 
parture from Rome and the tattle of Munda (March 17, 
45 B.C. ), 

11. l) Carteia, on the Bay of Gibraltar. Octavius r;ust 
have arrived after the battle of kunda had taken place, 
otherwise Nicolaus certainly would have mentioned his 
presence at that encounter, Caesar's last successful 
one. Caesar wrote to Cicero from Hispalis, his next 
stopping point (Caes.,B. Hisp.,39) on April 30 (Cic, 
Att. , 13,20, l) . Octavius' arrival at Carteia was there- 
fore some time in i^iay. 

2) auveaiv. There seems to be no valid reason for 
p-ltering the text, with kuller, to auvxaaiv, 'exer- 
tions' . 

12. l) Lacua of 2 pages. The information embodied in a 
chapters 10-12 is unique v/ith Nicolaus and hence does 
not permit of any basis for comparison with other 
writers. Suet., Aug., 8 makes the brief statement 

that Octavian proceeded to Spain to join his great- 
uncle after recovering from his illness; Veil. 2, 59,3 
briefly notes that Octavius was with Caesar, and Dio 
45,41, in alluding to the prodigy of the sprouting 
palm, seems to infer that Octavius was present during 
the entire expedition, including li\inda. This portion 


of Nicolaus' biography shows every indication of hav- 
ing been compiled T/ith much dependence upon Augustus' 
meizioirs. It is possible that Uicolaus enlarged upon 
the importance of Octavius' actions in the£,e chapters 
over and above the material which he founa in Augus- 
tus' memoirs; however, the tone of the Monvimentum 
Ancyranum shov.s that false modesty, at least, v/as not 
over-evident in the character of the autobiographer 
in that case, anu it is conceivable therefore tnat 
i^icolaus has repeated Augustus* words much as he 
found them. 
IS. l) oojyupou is Miiller's restoration. The reference, 
if this restoration is correct, apparently is to a 
silver table-service. l>indorf attempts no restoration, 
but prints simply yvpou - 'of a circle'. 
2. C. Claudius i-tarcellus, consul in 50 B.C., ajid at 
that time a vigorous opponent of Julius Caesa,r (Cic, 
Brut. ,64,229; Plin. .I'T.H. , 2,147; Suet . ,Caes. ,29; App. 
2,26; jJio 40,44; J:'auly-"isBowa, Claudius, 216). He 
and the members of his immediate fasaily were warmly 
congratulated by Cicero at the tine of his attaimnant 
of the office of consul (Cic. ,Pam. ,1 j, 7; lo,8; 15,9; 
15,10; Ij.ll), and Cicero later mentioned him as being 
in accord, apparently at least, with his ovm views 
(Cic. ,Att. ,10,12,3). 


VVlien the civil war broke out he remained in Italy, com- 
ing to terms with Caesar. After Caesar's death he gave 
his support to his young brother-in-law Octavian. The 
family csm be traced back 8 generations to u, Claudius 
Marcellus, consul in 331 B.C. 

3) Drawn, as has been noted (chap. 8, n.2j on September 
15, 4o B.C. This passage proves that Nicolaus knew the 
facts about the v/ill ,and that the statement in chap. 8 
is at least careless. 

4j The statement as to the proportion of Octavius' inher- 
itance agrees with Suet. ,Caes. ,03, but is at variance 
with Liv.,3pit., 116, where one half of the total is 
assigned to Octavius. i^. Pedius and L. Pinarius v/ere 
the other beneficiaries (Suet . ,Caes. ,83,2; App.3,22;23; 
94; Plin., x^.H. ,36,21 ). 
14. l) Pseudo-Marius, otherwise Herophilus or Amatius, was 
a v/ell-known character (Cic . ,Att. ,12,49,1; 14,6,1; 
Phil. 1,2, o; App. 3,2). After Caesar's death he erected 
an altar or column on the place where Caesar's body 
had been burned and was responsible for much rioting 
there. Antony finally put him to death, to the relief 
of Cicero (Cic. ,Att. ,14,7,1; 14,8,1; App. 3, 3); see 
also Val.Max. 9,lo,l; Liv. ,.Epit . , 116. 

2) Caesar's aunt, Julia, who aiec in 68 B.C., was the 
wife of the great C. Marias (Plut . ,Caes. ,1,1 ). 


ls, l) Caesar, not the senate, declared Octavius a patri- 
cian. L. Cassias, tribune in 44 B.C. (Cic. ,Phil.,3,25j , 
introduced a special decree whereby the senate granted 
Caesar the power of declaring persons of his choice 
to be patricians (Tac ., Ann. ,11,25; Suet. ,Caes. , 41; 
'l>io 43,47,S). One of those chosen thus was Octavius 
(Suet. , Aug. , 2; Dio 4o,2,7); see E. Meyer, Caesars 
Monarchic, etc. Stuttgart 1919, p. 464. 
2} Sxcerptor's note. 

16. l) Apollonia. According to Nicolaus, Octavius left 
Rome in Lecember, and was therefore in Apollonia for 
2 months before the murder of Caesar. This is a,t 
variance with App.3,9, where Octavius is said to have 
been in Apollonia for 6 months. In the latter case 
he would have had to leave Rome immediately ai'ter his 
return from Spain, which is not very probable in view 
of the plausible details given by Nicolaus in the 
preceding cha,pter. 

The use of the word evtaueoT (Mliller}, evxaOGcx 
(iJindorf) v/ith reference to Apollonia, gives the im- 
pression that Nicolaus wrote the 'Life of Augustus* at 
that place. Chapters 16 and 17 are written with con- 
siderable detail concerning the behavior of the inhabi- 
tants just prior to Octavius' departure, and the account 
is, among the historians, unique with Nicolaus. The 


city was one of importance (Cic . ,Phil . , 11, 11, 26) , and 
a favorite stopping point for travellers between Asia 
and Rome via itrundisiun. See O.S. iSchniidt, Jahrb-fur 
Class. Philol. 15,p.68j. '^^ 


2) Octavius was accompanied to Apollonia by his friends 
Ivi. Agrippa and Q,. Salvidienus Rufus (Suet. ,Aug. , 94; 
Vel. 2,59,5). His instructor in rhetoric was the famous 
Apollodorus of Pergaxiiura (Suet. , Aug. ,89; Strabo 13,4,3; 
Quint. 3,1,17). Caesar sent his nephew to Apollonia 

to be trained in military tactics in anticipation of 
an expedition against the Parthians (Suet . ,Aug. ,3; App. 
3,9; Dio 4o,3; Plut . ,Brut . ,22; Cic.,43; Ant. 16; Veil. 
2,59,4; Liv.,Epit.,117). 

3) Codex, At.uiXtoc. Muller has suggested that li. 
Aenilius Dcaurus is the individual here referred to. 
He was, however, banished by Pompey in 52 B.C. (App., 
2,24; Cic, Off .,1,38; ^. Pr. ,3,8,4) , and little is 
known of his subsequent actions. His son, of the same 
name, was with Antony at Acti\im (Dio 51,2; 56,38). 

The only other contemporaneous Aemilii were L. Aemilius 
Paullus and his son L. Aemilius Lepidus Paullus. The 
former was in Rome in April, 44 B.C. (Cic. ,Att. , 14,7,1 ; 
14,8,1) thus precluding a command in Liacedonia; the 
latter accompanied Octavian against Sextus Pompeius in 
Sicily, 42-36 B.C. (Suet., Aug. ,16). E. Schwartz, 


Hermes 23, p. 182, would eraend MapKoc AlfjiiXioc to 
MovioC 'AxtXtoc on the basis of Cic . ,Paxi-i. ,7,30, S, 
'Acilius, qui in Gra.eciam cum legionibus missus est.' 
The date of the letter is January, 44 B.C. It is to 
be noted that Cicero gives no praenomen in the letter; 
elsewhere, the MS readings are divided between 'Manius' 
and 'Marcus' (Caes. ,B.C. ,3,lo; 3,16; 3,39; Lio 42,12). 
Inasmuch as Nicolaus has written the praenomen 'Marcus' 
without abbreviation, an alteration to 'Manius' is 
scarcely justifiable in view of the othex MS tradition. 
Marcus Acilius Caninus is the proper designa.tion. See 
Klebs, P.W. Real-Encyl. ,l,p.251, Acilius 15. He was 
a 'legatus' of Caesar and was at Orictun in 48 B.C. 
(Caes. ,B.C. .loc.cit. ) . See also App. 3,10. 
17. l) ' -4Xe5,o;v5poc is the reading of the codex, and is re- 
tained in the editions of Miiller and Dindorf. Ko asso- 
ciate of Octavius bearing this name is elsewhere men- 
tioned, and since the statement is here made that he 
returned to his home a.t Pergamum, Muller suggests 
that apollodorus is here intended to be represented. 
See note 2, chap. 16 with appended references. Picco- 
los ha-s altered the reading to ' Aiio\\6b(j>poc (see his 
note, Nicolas de Lamas, Vie de Cesar, Paris 18o0, 
p. So). It is possible that Nicolaus, through the use 
Augustus' memoirs, actually came upon some such name 


as Alexander; if not, the reading 'Alexander' is attribu- 
table to an error of the excerptor. Apollodorus is 
described as being old at the time of the trip to 
Apollonia by buet., Aug. ,89. 

2) Pour years earlier Caesar had been amicably received 
by the inhabitants of Apollonia. Hence the appropriate 
application of the tern: 'friendly city' even though 
their action had been possibly influenced as nuch by 
expediency as by conviction in 48 B.C. (Caes. ,B.C. , 3, 
lO-lC;; App.2, 54-5o; Dio 41,46,1; 41,47,1). 
Z) Strabo 7, C.516, ttoXic suvom&:t(> i ri as applied to 
Apollonia, is reminiscent of Nicolaus' expression, 
e06aifiova Tr(V noXtv kv xoTc jiaXtaxa 7TOtf|ao:c. 
4) i^icolauE gives a more detailed account of Octavius' 
lajiding in Italy than do the other historians (App.2, 10; 
Dio 46, 3; Veil. 2,60). Beside Nicolaus only Appian 
mentions the fact that Octavius stopped first at lupiae 
before proceeding to Brundisium. 

o) See note 4, chapter 13, and the citations there append- 
ed. Pedius ajid rinarius are the only co-inheritors with 
Octavian according to Suet., C8es.,83,2. Lio 44,35 
gives 50 and 76 denarii as alternative suiis, to be paid 
each citizen according to the terms of the will. App. 
3,22 states that the shares of Pedius a,nc Pinarius 
were requisitioned by Octavieji to help make good the 


aXi:ount to be distributed to the people. 'LrachjTia' e.nd 
'denarius' are to be underBtood as eynonyirioue in the 
accounts of Ilo and Nicolaus, thoui^h not properly identi- 
ca.l in value. 

6) benate v/as convened in the temple of Tellus on 
Liarch 17, two days after the assassination, on the day 
of the Liberalia (cic, Att., 14, 10,1; 14,14,2; App. 
2,126; Lio 44,22). Plut . , Brut., 19 erroneously places 
the meeting of the senate on March 16. 

7) Caesar named Lepidus 'kagister equiturn iteruni' for 
the year 44 (CIL l,p.440; 46t; Die 42,49,1; £uet.,CaeB., 
82; Plin.,N.H.,7, 147). 

8) CIL 1^ p. 65, 64; Lio 4b, 49; 4u,9; Cic ., Phil. , 2, 70; 
App. 2,107; Cic. ,i^airi.,ll,2,l; Plut ., Ant. ,11; iirut. 18; 
Caes. 61; Veil. 2, 56; 58; Liv.,Spit., 116,117. 

9) Probably a parenthesis by Nicolaus, and not a part 
of the report that Octavius heard at the time. Brutus 
and *^as6iU6 apparently did not leave Rome at once. 

18 l) See App., £,11. 

2) L. Philippus, as late as the middle of the ensuing 
June, v;as still not at all sanguine of Octavius' pros- 
pects, but thought that nothing 0U£>it to be entrusted 
to hun, after having taken due regard for his a^e, his 
name, his inheritance, and his training (Cic. , Att. ,15, 
12,2). Vi'ith respect to the advice of Philippus against 


the aBBUmption by Octavius of the name Caesar, see 
Cicero's comment, on April 22 (Att. 14,12,2): ' Cctaviue, 
queic quioem Bui Caese-rem salutabant, Philippus non, 
itacue ne nos quideK. ' See also Suet., Aug. 8; App.5, 
11; Veil. 2,60,1. 

5) 'The state' at this sta^e of events was, of course, 
by no Eieans unreservedly 'on his side', as ilicolaus 
saj'B. In point of fact, as v/e learn from Cicero's 
letters, very few men at Rome concerned thetiselves at 
this time about Octavian because of his youth. Nico- 
laUE is valuable here because he draws upon Octe,vian's 
meraoirr. and reveals how early Octavian matured his 
plans to become Caesar's successor in power as well as 
property. The attitude of the consul Antony is well 
known (see Suet ., Aug. ,10 ; Plut. , Ant.lC). Octavian felt 
that the influence of Cicero was worth cultivating, 
and hence v/hile stayinti T/ith his step-father at the 
villa, adjacent to that of Cicero at Puteoli, during 
the latter part of April, made the most of every op- 
portunity to ingratiate himself with Cicero: 'nobiscum 
hie perhonorif ice et persnice Octavius;' 'Octavius ... 
mihi totus deditus.' (Cic.Att., 14,11,2; 14,12,2). 
Before the middle of Llay, the tribune L. Antonius pre- 
sented Octavius to the people as Caesar's heir (Cic, 
Att. ,14,20,5; 14,21,4; lo,2,S). 


4) See App. 5,10;15;14; Suet ., Aug. ,8; Veil. 2, 60,1. 

5) •The nanie' aBBVuned by Octavius wae not C. Juliue 
Caee6,r Octavianus as one would expect but C. Julius 
C, f. Caesar (App. 5,11; Tio 45,2 ). Only hie immedi- 
ate followint:,, however, called him Caesar; Cicero at 
this time called him Octavianus (Cic. , Att.14,12,2; 
15,12,2; i'ain. 16,24,2). In the decrees of the senate 
reported in Cicero's Philippics during the next year 
he is referred to as C. Caesa,r C.f. pcntifex (Cic, 
Phil., 5, 17); this v/as after he had had his adoption 
legally ratified by a' lex curiata (App. S,94}. He 
had been striving toward this end for some time, but 
had continually been prevented in his attempts by 
Antony, who had, of course, alv;a^s acted under the 
cover of a subordinate official (Cio 45,5,3; 46,47,4), 

6) Por the 'money and means' to which Octavian had 
access see App. 3,11; I)io 4o,3, who refer rather 
briefly to the matter. 

7) By 'public property' is meant the provincial 
tribute which apparently went into the Aerarium Catur- 
ni. Caesar treated military funds that accrued from 
booty as 'his own', a.nd Octavian apparently appro- 
priated a part of this. 

8) Octavian proceeded into Campsinia, where many of 
Caesar's veterans had settled between 59 and 49 B.C. 


(L. oary, Jour. Phil. 7C , p. 174 ff.), in order to dis- 
cover v/hat their probable diapoeition toward himself 
would be (App. 2,12). This was as early as April, 44 
B.C., for on the 18th, Cicero, at Cumae, met one v/ho 
had on the same day encountered Octavian at Naples 
(Cic.,Att.,14,10,3). As Nicolaus remarks below, the 
opportunity for levying an army did not seem to be at 
hsjid; nevertheless Octavian felt that preliminary in- 
vest ife;s.t ions along these lines would not be out of 

9) A slight lacuna in the text exists at this point; 
the context is not seriously si"fected, hov/ever. The 
rendering of Miillor has been reproduced here; Piccolos 
and iindorf attempt no restoration. 

10) See the latter part of note 5, above. 

11) Octavian approached Rome before April 10. His ad- 
vent excited the interest of Cicero, who inquired of 
Atticus how great a followine he was foa'therinci and 
what nev/ moves he was contemplating (Cic. , Att .14, 5,3) . 
The reply of Atticus may have been of a disparaging 
nature toward Octavian; at anj' rate, Cicero again 
wrote on April I'd, disdainfully dismissing Octavian 
from his thoughts 'nam de Octavio, susque deque.' 
Even this early, hov/ever, there v/ere rumors in Rome 
that the legions in Liacedonia were returning at 

1 .- , * 


Aw A \. ' 



Octavian's call: 'Odioea ilia enim fuerant, legionee 
venire- (Cic . ,Att. ,14, 6,1 ) . See 8,1bo App.b,ll; Lio 
4o,5. On April 20, Cicero saw Octavian at Puteoli, 
for Octavian had, after his canvass of Campania, pro- 
ceeded to his step-father's villa at Puteoli, adjoin- 
ing the property of Cicero (Cic. , Att. ,14, 11,2) . Short- 
ly afterward, Octavisui again went to Rome, stopping; on 
the we;/ at Tarracina (App. 3,12; Gardthausen, Augustus, 
p.5ii) . 
19. l) According to Plutarch, Brut. 10, the conspiracy was 
v/ell under way before laarch 1, 44 B.C. 

2) Suetonius, Caes. 80, gives the number of conspirators 
as 60; Eutropius, Erev. 6,25, speaks of '60 or more.' Of 
the total number, some 20 can be definitely identified 
by nejue; seven additional names have been erroneously 
included aiiiong the number by various authors. The 20 
fall into three divisions: Caesarians, 6; Ponipeians,10; 
and those of uncertain partisanship, 4 (see Klotz, P.W. 
Real-i£ncyl. 10,p.26o). 

3) ITicolaus' contradiction is self-evident. Just after 
saying that I, Brutus was a particular friend of CaeEa,r, 
he includes him with Cassius and Li. Brutus as a former 
member of the Pompeieji faction. D. Brutus had, in fact, 
been associe.ted with Caesar at least since 6o B.C.: 

'D. Brutum adulescentem classi Gallicisque navibus ... 


[Caesar] praeficit (Caes. ,B.G. ,3, 11, o) . Again, in 52 
B.C. Caesar placed hid in charge of some of hie land 
forces during hit engagement v/ith Vercingetorix: 
'Brutuin adulescentera his copiie praeficit;' 'mittit 
primuni Brutum adulescenteru cum cohortibus' CCae8.,B.G., 
7,9,1; 7,87,1; B.C. ,1;36, o6. 58; 2,2-7). When CaesaJT's 
will was read, it was fovmd that L. Brutus had been 
conditionally adopted by Caesar, subject to the death 
of Octavian (App. 2,14o). 

Cassiuc was in coDunand of Pompey*s sea-force in 
the Hellespont at the time of the civil war. He there 
surrendered to Caesar, though his capitulation seems 
not to have been justified by the circumstances (App. 
2,88; Bio 42,6; Suet . ,Caes. ,62) . Caesar subsequently 
made him 'legatus' (Cic. ,Pam. , 6, 6,10; 15,15,2). 

M. Brutus joined Pompey in Macedonia before Phar- 
salia (Plut.,Brut. 4; Aurel.Vic . ,Vir .Illus.82, 5) . 
After the battle he went over to Caesar. Appian,2,146, 
ms-kes the following; statement: 'all the murderers, 
except Lecimus alone, had been taken prisoners from 
Pompey 'b faction.' The inaccuracy is similar to that 
of Nicolaus. 

4) The emendation of Muller, xatTtep Ko.iaapo^ has been 
followed here; that of Piccolos is also good. The 
codex reading is unintellit,ible and that of -i-^indorf 

1 '/r 


is scarcely less so. He alters ekkcttou to exoatov, 
but leaves the remainder intact. 

5) The leniency of Caesar v/as, of course, not entirely 
attributable to altruistic motiveo, althou^^h from the 
tone of Nicolaus one might infer that such v/as the case. 
Caesar explains his policy in Cic. ,Att. ,9,7c . 

6) The claim of Brutus, that he was descended from 
Brutus the first consul and Ahala the regicide, v;as 
generally accepted as a fact both by historians ajid 
contemporary writers (Cic. ,Att. , 13,40,1, 'o; iXoTlxvTHJto. 
illud tuuEi, quod vidi in Parthenone, Ahalaci et E rut urn, ' 
see Tyrrell and x^urser, The Correspondence of Cicero, 
vol. 5, p. 177, note i; vol.6,; App.:^.,112; Lie 44,12; 
Plut., Brut.l; Suet., Caes.,80). 

7) Cassius and Brutus are, of course, the outstanding 
exajuples of the type here referred to. i^'or Caesar's 
treatment of his former opponents, see Plut., Caes.o?, 
and citations in note 2, above. 

8) The allusion is perhaps to the enthronement of a 
statue of Caesar in the teiaple of Quirinus. Cicero 
expressed much indifc:nation in referring to the n;stter 
(Cic. ,Att.,12,4o,2: 15,28,5; Phil. 2, 45, 110 ; see also 
I)io 45,45; Suet . , Caes. ,76 j . Caesar was hailed further 
as 'luppiter lulius* and s. temple was erected jointly 
to him and to 'Clementia' (App.2,106; Lio 44,6; Plut., 

• % 


Cae6.,57; less specific, Suet . .Caeo. ,76; i'lor.?., 15, 91 ) . 

9) The conspirators were pledged among themselves v/ith- 
out the ueual normalities ol' either oaths or sacrifices, 
according to Appian, 2,114, and Plutarch, J3rut.l2. 
Sacrifices were the proper complement of oaths, but the 
attention which would have been drawn by their perform- 
ance v/ould have been at once fatal to the projected 

10) The same incident is reported by the following 
authors: Appian 2,116; Pio 44,18; Suetonius, Caes.,81; 
Plutarch, Caes.,6ij; Velleius 2,57; Jilorus 4,2,94. It 
is a noteworthy fact that v/ith the passage of time the 
statements with regard to this occurrence become more 
positive. Nicclaus employs indirect discourse, placing 
the responsibility on the writer used by him as a 
source; all the other authors mention the matter as an 
actual happening. 

20. l) On the occasion of the 'ludi Victoriae Caesaris,' 
held July 20-50, 45 B.C. as a continuation of the 
'ludi' of Sept. 46 (old calendar) a figure of 'Victoria' 
was borne in procession in close proximity to an image 
of "^aesar. The populace refrained from ^.pplause, the 
ca,UBe being, according to Cicero, that 'Victoria' was 
in bad company, through the presence of Caesar's image 
(Cic. rAtt. ,15,44,1) . 


2) This is perhaps the most gratuitously extravagant 
statement in the entire fragment of Hicolaus. His pur- 
pose is, as E. Lleyer suggests (Caesars Lonarchie.p. 517) 
to place the blau^e for *^aesar's monarchial aspirations «- 

A. A 

upon his associates, some of whom flattered him ex- 
cessively v;hile others deliberately urged him on v/ith 
the intention of making him ultimately an object of 
general hatred. The sejne tone is exhibited by Bio, 
44, S, and Plutarch , Caes.,67. Caesar was entirely 
well av/are that he was disliked, even by those whom he 
characterized as 'easy going': 'Ego dub item, ' Caesar 
is reported to have said, 'quin £Uj;]fii . o , j.p odio pim . 
quom Li. Cicero seceat nee suo commodo me convenire 
possit? Atqui si quitiquam est facilis, hie est, tamen 
non dubito quin li^e ftiale , pd . erjt ' (Cic. ,Att. ,14,1,2 j . 
Again, 'Ego nunc tajii sip. , ^.tultu^ ut hunc ipsum facilem 
hominem putem mihi esse amicum, cum tarn diu sedens 
meum comjraodum exspectet? ' (Cic. ,Att. ,14,2,5) . 

3) The 'senatus consultuin, ' enacted after the victory 
at Munda, is also referred to by Lio 43, 4d. It appears 
that Caesar permitted the elections by magistrates to 
proceed nominally as before, by popular vote, but 

that he was the actual determining factor as to who 
should be elected (Dio 43,47). *..ompare Appian 4,91, 
Cassius' alleged speech to his soldiers. 


4) Concerning Caesarion, called 'CyruB* by Nicolaus, 
the son of Caesar and Cleopatra, see Cic. ,Att. , 14,20,2; 
Dio 47,51; Suet. .Caes . , 52; Aug. 17; Plut., Caes.,49; 
Ant. 54. All but acknowledge thst he really 
was Caesar's son, ana IJicolaus is unable to prove the 
falsity of the e.llegation. It would have been extren.e- 
ly difficult for Caesar to have secured the legitimiz- 
ing of Ca,esarion because of the universal antipathy 

in Rome toward Cleopa,tra and ea.stern in^; titutions in 
general; furtlier, much as Caesar may have desired a 
natural heir, his purpose could not best be served by 
Caesarion, v;ho v/as an infant v/hen Caesar's will was 
dravm, in comparison v/ith his great-nephew, then 18 
years of age. 

5) Kention of Caesar's intention of establishing an 
empire in the Jast, v/ith a capits^l at Alexandria or 
8,t Ilium is also made by Suetonius, oaes.,79. Both 
he and iJicolaus tend toward rejecting the idea as ab- 
surd; but the fact is significant that in the summer 
of 48 B.C. Caesar granted freedom to Ilium (Strabo 15, 
1,27). E. Meyer (Kleine Schr. p. 467; Caesars Monar- 
chie p. 521) thinks the plan entirely logical, and 
accepts the report as plausible. It v/oulo have been 
far simpler for Caesar to retain and augment his pseudo- 
divine attributes in the iiast than could ever have 


■been the case in Rome; at the tame time, the rights 
and privileges historically peculiar to Rocie could 
have been served ty an independent city government. 
The same question arose in Augustus' time (Horace, 

6) Compare Cicero's remarks to Caesar concerning the 
statue on the rostra (Cic.,pro Deiot .12,24) . Dio 44, 
4 gives a confused account of two statues having been 
erected on the rostra, one intended to represent 
Caesar as savior of the citizens, and the other as 
'rescuer of the city from siege j'r'the 8,ppropriateneBB 
of this latter attribute seems somewhat obscure. 

7) The full names of the tribunes v.-ere L. Cae&etius 
Plavus and C. Epidius karullus (Suet . ,Caes. ,7S; Dio 

8) For the precedent of the temple of Concordia as a 
meeting place for the senate, see Cicero, Cat.,5,21; 
Phil. 2,8,19; Sallust, Cat. ,46; Plutarch, Cic.,19. 

9) The account of ITicolaus, involving banishment of 
the tribunes, is at variance v;ith the versions of 
Appian, 2,108; 4,95; Dio 44,10; 46,9; tiuetonius, Caes., 
79; Plutarch, Caes., 61; Ant. 12; Livj-, i!]pit . , llu, all 

of whom concur in saying that the tribunes were merely 
cast out of the senate, and not sent into exile. It 
is shown by Cicero, Phil. ,1c, 15, cl, that the tribunes 


Vfere simply removed from office: 'quid ert;o, ut l,iarul- 
lum, ut Caesetiurr. a republica removeremus, eum con- 
secuti svunmue? ' The term 'a republica' means 'from 
public life' and not 'from the country;' compare Vel- 
leiuE 2,68. 

10) In a letter to Atticus (Cic . , Att. , li^, 44,l) dated 
about July 20, 45 B.C., Cicero alludes to the reported 
proposal of Cotta that Caesar be made king in order 
that Parthia might be subdued according to the terms 
of the Sibylline prophecy v;hich stated that i^arthia 
would be proof against any but a king (Cic. ,Liv. ,2,110) . 
Compare also the passage, 'munerum regiorum' (regionum?) 
(Cic . ,Fam. , 6,19,2; Tyrrell and Purser o^, p.lG2 and 
note). On August 2,4o B.C., Cicero actually speaks 
of Caesar as 'the king:' 'nisi viderem scire jre^jm me 
animi nihil habere' (Cic . ,Att. , 12,57,2) . The episode 
of the diadem, involving the tribunes Caesetius and 
Marullus, seems to occurred in January, 44 B.C. 
(Dio 44,10: 'later, when he was riding in from Albanum;' 
CIL 1, p. 461: 'C. lulius C .f.C .n. Caesar VI dict.IIII 
ovans a. ICCIX ex monte Albano VII Kal.Febr.'). 
21. l) February 16 (CIL 1*^ p. 310, Commentarii diurni, 'XV 
K. luper'). See also ./issowa. Religion und Kul- 
tuy der Rojner,2 p. 209. 
2) iuention of Licinius as being the first to present 


to CaeEP.r the diadem encloced within a wreath is unique 
with NicolaUB. Appian 2,109; Dio 44,11; Livy , iipit., 
116; VelleiuB 2,o6,4; Plutarch, GaeB.,6C; Ant. 12, and 
Cicero, Phil., 2, 84-8o; 5,12, all concur in that they 
make Antony solely reeponeitle Tor having offered the 
crov.77 to Caesar. Luttlinger, Untersuchungen uter den 
historischen V/ert des3roc Koiaapoc , Heidelberg 1911, 
endeavoring to align the account of Hicolaus v/ith 
Cicero's words: 'Unde diaderna? yion eniiii atbj.pctup;^ su^- 
tuleras . aed attuleras domo tieditatum et cogitatum 
scelus' (Cic . ,Phil. ,2,8o) makes the following asser- 
tion: 'Diese Worte zeigen mit uniimstosslicher Sicher- 
heit, dass Caesar schon einmal, "bevor Antoniue kam, 
das Liadem von sich gev/iesen hatte.' A saner view is 
expressed in the tranalation of the phrase by Halm- 
Laubmann, Ciceros Ausgewahlte Reden, vol.G, p.llO: 
•du konntest es nicht von der btrasse aufgehoben, auf 
der Strasse gefunden haben; ' thus no sugi-,estion of a 
former attempt by Licinius is to be read into Cicero's 
words. Cicero's immediate purpose, of course, v/as to 
brin(3 discredit upon Antony for his actions on that 
day of the Lupercalia, and hence any mention of Licin- 
iufc, on hie part v/oula have been irrelevant to his case. 
Cicero's Philippics therefore afford no check upon the 
accuracy of Nicolaus' account, which rests here upon 


its merits of priority in compariBon with the versions 
of the other historians. 

5) It seems that the behavior of Lepidus at this junc- 
ture wa.s such as to attract attention; exactly what he 
did can not be ascertained, but the indications are 
that he kept hiraself strictly aloof. Cicero (Phil. 5,38; 
13,17) wished to laud hie:, contrasting him with Antony. 
At the place of the former citation he says of him: 
'Semper ille populum Romanum liberum voluit maximunique 
signum illo die dedit voluntatis et iudicii sui, cvic 
Antonio diadema Caesari imponente ^e, a y . er .t i.'t' > gemituque 
et maestitia declaravit quantum haberet odium servitu- 
tis,' etc. Cicero thus (though for a purpose) repre- 
sents him as averse to autocracy, while Nicolaus sug- 
geete that he was in sympathy with Antony's action. 

4) As tribune (Dio 44,52). 

a) The report that Caesar was adaressed directly by the 
crov/d as king, ' Xalps BcaiXeu' - 'salve rex,' is given 
by xlicolaus alone. In this connection, however, see 
chap. 20, note 10, ana especially Cic. , Att. ,13,:'b7,2, 
where Cicero refers to Oaesar as 'rex'. 

6) In comparison with the motive of Antony given here, 
note the ridiculous reasons presented in the speech of 
PufiUB i^alenus as published by Dio (46,17-19). There 
Antony is said to have offered the diadem for the very 


purpose of shocking Caesar to reason and thus to cause 
him to reject the proffered crown. 
22. l) 0. E. Schmidt, JaJirb . fur class. Philol .^Ib.p. 682 sug- 
gests that this section should follow inmiediately upon 
the v/ords at the beginning of section 21: •toicxuto fiev 
of] TOTE eXeysTo,' thus naicing a more connected account 
of the accusation of the tribunes and their subsequent 
restitution. Since, however, Nicolaus is about to 
write of the annual elections, his order of relating 
these events is not unnatural. 

NicolaUB declares that Cinna secured the rece.ll of 
the tribunes through a decree passed while Caesar was 
yet alive; Appian 2,122 alludes to the tribunes as 
still being in exile on March 16, 44 B.C., when Brutus 
and Cassiue descended from the (Japitoline and urged 
that they be recalled. 2, Meyer, Caesars L.on3,rchie, 
p. 527, n.2,is inclined to favor the version of Kicolaus. 
2) The decree vras that of the tribune L. Antonius, 
mentioned by Cicero (Phil. 7, 16). Suetonius, Caes.,41 
exio. Dio 43,51 refer to the legal right of Caesar to 
appoint one half of the total number of magistrates 
for 2 years in advance; at the expiration of this 
period hie return from his expedition against the 
Parthiejis was to have been expected. The decree of 
Antonius was enacted betv/een Lecember 10, 45 B.C., 

J na V;' 


the day on which the newly elected tritunee entered 
into office, and March lo, 44 B.C. (see Sternkopf, 
Ciceroe ausgewahlte Keden, vol. 9, p. So) . 

Appian, 2, 128; 2, 158, says that Caesar appointed 
magietrates for 5 years in advance; Suetonius, Caee., 
76, speaks of 'several' years; Nicolaus is corroborated 
"by Cicero (Att. 14,6,2), 'Etianme consules et tribunes 
pi. in biennium quos ille voluit.' See also Cic.,?aDi., 
10,52,2. Ar^iong the historians, Nicolaus alone names 
Pansa and Hirtius, Brutus and Plancus, but Cicero 
speaks of the forcier pair as 'consules designati' in 
Philippic 5,57 sjid 59, and of the latter pair as 'con- 
sules designati' in Philippic 5,58. 
5) Antony. 

4) For the behavior of Caesar v/hen the senate approach- 
eo him to confer its honors upon him, see Appian 2, 
107; I'io 44,8; Suetonius, t^aes.,78; Plutarch, Caes., 
60; Livy, Spit. ,116; lilutropus 6,25; Zonaras 10,11. 
Appian and Plutarch speaJc of Caesar as seated on the 
rostra; Dio, Suetonius, and Livy place him before the 
temple of Venus Genetrix. In the interest of axcuracy 
it is to be noted that both Appian and Plutarch incor- 
rectly refer to 'consuls' in the plural as being at 
the head of the procesEion: • tcov utiot'x'v riyoufilvoov ' 
and 'npoa 1 6vT(t)v oe twv unaxcov.* 


Excuses for Caesar's failure to rise are offered 
by three of the historians: tio leys the hlame upon 
an attack of diarrhoea, Plutarch upon an attack of 
epilepsy, v/hile Nicolaus, less extravagantly, simply 
says that Caesar diet not a.t first see the throng he- 
cause of his deep interest in his ovm undertaking. 
More plausible are the suggested reasons of Suetonius: 
that L. Cornelius Balbus dissuaded Caesar from rising 

(compare Plut. ,Caes. , 60, end ) ,or that C. Trebatius 
Testa urged him to rise a,nd thus displeased him. 
5} Reading auvovTec with the codex. Piccolos reads 

(yvYyvovT ec,t and lindorf auvlvxe c. 

6) See also Appian 2,106,1S4,1S8; Dio 44,4; 5,50. 
After Caesar's death Antony had inscribed upon a 
statue of Caesar which he placed on the rostra, 'parenti 
optime merito' (Cic. ,i'am. ,12,3,1). Suetonius, Caee., 

Go tells of the column erected in the forum, similarly 
inscribed, 'parenti patriae.' 

7) See Appian 2,107,109; Lio 44,7. Caesar's motive in 
dismissing his ^uard was found to be difficult to ex- 
plain by those who afterv/ard sought for causes. To 
many it could not but seem almost suicidal negligence 
(Suet . ,Caes. ,86) ; certainly his course did not meet 
with the favor of his riore prudent adherents: 'laudan- 
dum experientie. consilium est Panse,e atque Hirti, qui 


semper praedixerant Caesari ut principatuin arji-is quae- 
Bitum armis teneret' (Vell.ii, iJ7,l). 
23. Ij As Pontifex Maximus, uaeear lived in the Regia, in 
the Via i;3acra. 

2) The bridge has been identified by ii.E. Deutech, Uni- 
versity of California Publications in Classical Philolo- 
gy, vol.2, pp.267 ff. 'Petronia amnis est in Tiberim 

perfluens, quam rcagistratus auspicate tra.nseunt cuei in 

(jFestuB 2o0). 
campo quid agere volunt'^ This stream, which flowed 

westward from the Q,uirinal, was accordingly bridged by 

a small wooden footwaj' from which one night easily 

have been pushed into the shallow v/atercourse below. 

Suetonius also refers to a 'pons' but seems erroneously 

to have supposed it was the 'pons' of the voting place. 

Z>) The 'Jeris-e Annae Perennae' were celebrated on 

March lo (CIL 1^ p. 511; V/issowa, Religion und Kultus 

der Roner,2 pp. 147 and 241. See also Ovid, i'ast.,5, 

52ii; kacrotius, Sat . ,1,12, 6) . Perhaps the reference 

is to the Quinquatrus of Larch 19 (Wissowa, op.cit., 

p. 144). 

4) Suetonius, Caes.,80, alone agrees v/ith Nicolaus 

in recounting the four tentative plans discussed by 

the conspirators before it was decided that Caesar be 

killed in the senate on karch la, but he is far less 

explicit. According to Appia.n, 2,llo, Caesar was to 


have set out for the .^ast v/ithin four days of that 
date; hence the conspirators must have felt that there 
was no tiir.e to lose. The motions which Caesar v;ished 
to introduce at this session of the senate referred to 
final preparations and aesignments before he departed 
for Parthia. iJio 44, lo, says that Brutus and Cassius 
felt that the motion might be put that Caesar be de- 
clared king in order to assure victory over the Par- 
thians in accordance v/ith a Sibylline prophecy (see 
chap. 20, n"^. 10), and since they could not vote for the 
measure, from conviction, nor against it, from policy, 
they decided to kill him before suspicion should become 
directed against themselves. In this connection, see 
Appian 2,113; Plutarch, Brut., 10, where attempts have 
been made to reproduce the supposed dialog betv/een 
Brutus and Cassius on the subject. 
24. l) According to the (ireek mode of orientation to the 

east, which ljricola,us has in mind, the back of one sac- 
rificing would be kept toward the west. The Romans fol- 
lov/ed the ^^truscan rule of facing south, in which case 
the west, being on the righx., v/oula not be an unfavor- 
able quarter. 

2) The codex reading is sKeXeuae , obviously incorrect, 
Muller emends to eGeXr^as ; Piccolos and I)indorf to 
eneveuae* ^"t has been thought advisable to render 


here as if sxlXeue were written, thus adhering more 
closely to the actual text, i'or the use of the imper- 
fect to denote attempted action, compare Hdt. 1,68, 
'eiuiicreouTo no.p' oOk ehS t56vTp , c xriv c.uXrjv.' (Godwin, G. 
Li.T. 26), 

3) literally, 'he seemed to do something rather bold 
for one holding his hands inside.' Didot renders as 
though Caesar were referred to as keeping his hands 
beneath his toga: 'arrive pres de Cesar, qui tenait 
ses mains sous sa toge.' It is scarcely possible to 
derive such an interpretation from the Greek as it 
stands. The transla-tion 'for a suppliant' was sug- 
gested by Plautus, Amph.,2o7, 'velatis manibus orant, 
ignoscaxiius peccat\;u:Q suom. ' There 'veiled hands' 
(bearing fillets) are a mark of supplication; 'eiaco 
Tac x^^P*'''^ exovTog' as applied to Cimber may have a 
similar meaning, particularly since he is described 
as feigning to intercede with Caesar for his brother; 
and Hicolaus may not have understood the Latin expres- 
sion (comps,re App. 2,117; Suet . ,Gaes. ,82; Plut.,Caes., 
66; Brut. 17). 

4) Appie-n 2,117; Suet . ,CaeB. ,82 ; Livy, ii;pit.,116; 
Plorus 2,13,95; 2iOnar?-s 10,11 D; Eutropius 6,25; 
Valerius Liaximus 4,5,6; Plutarch, caes.,66, mention 
23 wounds; I'io 44,19, speaks of 'many' wounds; Nico- 


laus alone gives the number as 5o. 0.3. Schmict, Jahrb. 
fur claes.Philol ., Bup.lo,p.674, BUgtj,ests that there may 
have been two traditions at the time of Nicolaue, one 
involving 22 wounds, the other 5o. This belief is 
scarcely justifiable, since there is but one example 
of the latter tradition, and Suetonius, whose account 
usually coincides with that of Nicolausi is here at 
varig-nce. Piccolos, Nicolas de Damas, Vie de Cesar, 
p. 89 shows how the capitals K and f (25) may have 
become corrupted to I and A (35). The error is possi- 
bly due to the excerptor. 
25. l) A slight lacuna exists here. 

2) Brutus, as spokesman for the assassins, is here 
described as atten.pting to deliver a formal address 
to the multitude immediately after the murder and be- 
fore the conspirators fled to the Capitoline, A simi- 
lar implication is found in i-io 44,ii0-21, though 
Brutus is not there mentioned by name. Appian 2,119, 
suggests rather that the slayers simply ran, shouting 
random remarks in defense of their deed. 
5) So also Appian 2,114; Plutarch, Brut., 18, 2; Ant. 
15,2; Velleius 2,o8. Iiio,44,19, says that the decision 
not to kill Antony was duly reached, but here Brutus 
iB not named as being the influential factor. Cicero 
(Att. ,15,12,2) seeme to refer with some petulpjice to 


the reputation for lenience which Brutus created for 
hinisell': 'L. quidem Antonius literaliter litteris sine 
cura me esse iubet. Habeo unuia benef icium, alterum 
fortasse, si in Tusculanum venerit. negotia non 
ferenda! quae feruntur tamen. toiv 6' aWtav tuv 
BpouTcov TIC, exet.' Again (Att.l5, 20,2) 'foedum 
ducens et quasi denuntia.tuin nobis ab Antonio ex hac 
nassa exire constitui ... haec omnis culpa Bruti.' 
A year later Cicero again alludes to Brutus' policy 
concerning Antony at the time of the murder of *^aesar: 
'tu lenius' (Cic.,ad Brut . ,2, 5,1). 
26. l) It is not elsewhere mentioned that Caesar intended 
to make an expedition against the Indians. 

2) C. Calvisius babinus, consul in 39 B.C., was in the 
year 48 with Caesar (Caes. , B.C. ,3,34) . In 38 he helc. 
a command in Octavian's fleet, at that time engaged 
v;ith SextUB Pompeius (App. 5,60-81), and in the year 
36 he was superceded by Agrippa because of his failure 
to prevent the desertion of one of his subordinates 
(App. 5, 96). ilarcius Censorinus, probably praetor in 
43 B.C., is spoken of as a uaesarian ana an Antonian 
in Att. 14,10,2; Phil. 11, 36; 15,2, but their attempt 
tc defend Caesar is mentioned only by Nicolaus. 

3) So also Appian 2,118; Suetonius, oae8.,e2. 

26 b.l) Compare Appian 2,115; Lio 44,16. The part played 


by Lecimus Brutus in engaging the services of the 
gladiators is referred to by Appian 2,122; Plutarch, 
Brut. 12. 

2) Ab has "been seen (chap. 22, note 7 J there were, in • 
fact, no guards. See also Appian 2,118: 'there 7/as no 
detc-chnent of soldiers about i^aesa,r, for he did not 
care for guards.* 
5) A slight lacuna exists here. 

4) The second speech of Erutue v/as delivered in the 
afternoon of Larch 16. So also Plutarch, Brut. , 18,3-4. 
Plutarch, CaeB.,67,2> seems to iiajjly that this same 
address took place on the following dsQ/: ^ \ieB' r\\iepav 
8s t3v Kept SpouTov }£aTsX9ovTav xai txo iTjaa.uevuv Xoyouc.' 
Appian 2,122 states that Brutus descended from the 
Capitoline, the wound in his hand still fresh, and, 
together with Cassius, spoke in the foriijn. The rather 
unexpected praise of Brutus may- be an indication that 
Nicolaus is using Pollio's histories. 
27. 1) This is the 'contio Capitolina prima' which was 

held on March lo, late in the day, and at which Cicero 
was present. He endeavored to secure a convocation 
of the senate, to be summoned by Brutus and Cassius 
on their authority as praetors, so that they might be 
legally confirmed ac tyrannicides, thus forestalling 
any attempt on the part of the v^aesarians cijid the 


Antonians to have them proclaimed murderers (Gic.,Att. 
14,10,1, 'meruinistine me clamare illo ipso primo Capito- 
lino die debere senatian in Capitolium a praetoritus 
vocari,' etc. Alec Cic. , Phil. ,2,89 j . This ir;eeting on 
the Capitoline should not be confused with a second 
•contio Gapitolina' referred to by Cicero (Att.,li>,l b, 
a), and which seems to have been subsequent to the 
meeting of the senate in the temple of Tellus on March 
17, v.'hen Cicero was able to secure only a rather un- 
satisfactory compromise for the members of the repub- 
licaji faction. See the note of Tyrrell and Purser, 
The Correspondence of Cicero, vol.o, p. 507. 

2) The temple of Juppiter Capitolinus is, of course, to 
be unaerstood. 

3) The despatch of messengers from the conspirators to 
Antony and Lepidus is also told of by Appian 2,125. 

4) Appian 2,126 and iJio 44,22 both make special note 
of the fact that Lepidus had an armed force in the 
city before daybreak on karch 17. Appian, however, 
in the same passage asserts that Antony did not bring 
in any troops, so as not to disturb the city, 

5) Reading ex veo.)Tep la.uou with JiJ. Schv/artz, Hermes 
55, p. 184, instead of be xc'i. 

6) lio 44,54, says that Lepidus was only making a 
pretense of advocatin^i vengeaJice: ' 6 uev yap AeTtifioc 



np6<yxr\]io. Tr)v xou Kaiaapoc xi.ucootav 710 loujievo? , etc., 
v.'hile Appian 2,1S1-132, states that lepidue v/ae em- 
ployed atj a tool both by those who desired revenge 
enc those who favored amnesty with the aesassins. 

7) aXXoo codex. K. Schwartz, Hermes 22, p. 184 sug- 
gests the emendation riaXBoc, which is very plausible. 

8) Between the sections 27 and 28 the excerptor has 
perhaps omitted a portion of his original material. 
Much of what is told by Nicolaus in section 27 is 
given in far greater detail than is the case v/ith the 
other historians'. The events related in this chapter, 
especially the interchange of raessengers between Antony 
and Lepidus and Brutus and cassius, have been thought 
to have had a very close connection with the circum- 
stances which occasioned the writing of Cic.,Fain., 
11,1, a letter from I). Brutus to k. Brutus exid Cassius. 
O.E. Schmidt, Neue Jahrb. fur Philol. und Paed.,129, 
wishes therefore to date the letter in the morning of 
March 17; P. Grobe, i/rumann-urobe Geschichte Roms,l2, 
p. 411 ff., woulc place the letter still earlier, on 
March 16. 5. T. Merrill, Class. Philol. 10, p. 241 ff., 
has nov; shown that L. Brutus' allusions to the disposi- 
tion of Antony and Hirtius toward him may well have 
been relevant to a later period, and hence he would 

set the date of the letter as late as April 10, thus 
approximating Schmidt's original viev/, which gave 

: ... ,•.;•! 

,» n. 


■" .1 - , 


April 5 as the protable time of writing (Die Corres- 
pondenz uiceroe in den Jahren 44 und 45, I^^arburg 183oK 
It follows therefore that chapter 27 of Nicolaus should 
not te employed as a criterion on the date of cic, 
J;ain. ,11, 1. 
28. l) Lacuna, which is apparently quite lon^,, for the af- 
fairs mentioned in the follov?ing belong to June and 
July, whereas the story of Octavian told before chapter 
19 was only of his return to Rome in April. 

2) The aedile Oritonius is probably referred to (com- 
pare App. 5,28). The proper name may have been lost 
in the lacuna immediately above. 

3) Compare Appian 5,28; Dio 45,6; Suetonius, Cae8.,33; 
Plutarch, Ant., 16; Pliny, N,H.,2,25. Since both Appian 
and Nicolaus refer to two controversies between Octavian 
and Antony, of which the second was at the time of the 
festival of Venus Genetrix in July, the question has 
arisen as to what the earlier occasion could have been. 
The 'ludi Cereales' are precluded, for Octavian v/as in 
Campania during the period in which they were held, 
April 12-19 (Cic.,Att., 14,lii,2j. The 'ludi Plorales' 
were given April 28 - May 3, and since Cicero on kay 

22 referred to the episode of the throne (Att.lo,5,2) 
these must have been the i^aones at which Octavism ex- 
perienced his difficulty for the first time, unless it 

i \. 


can be ahovm that the 'ludi Cereales' were postponed 
for a month, in which event they would have also been 
completed just prior to Cicero's letter of l^ay 22. 
4) See Appian 3,21; LS23; Lio 46,7. According to Appian's 
account, Octavian liquidated not only the residuary 
estate which he received from Caesar, hut also some of 
his own property in orcer to pay the specific legacies 
to the people. This would naturally make them feel 
indebted to him as well as to his late uncle, and was 
a particularly shrewd bit of strategy on his part in 
winning; popular opinion away from Antony. 

5) Antony and J^olabella. 

6) Antony is accused of having made away with 700,000,000 
sesterces (approximately §20,000,000) (Cic. , Phil. .1,17; 
2,55; 2,93; 4,14; 6,11; Att. 14,14, o; Pam. 12,2,2; Veil. 
2,60,4). Antony's obvious defense was that the Caesarian 
treasury, the teraple of Ops, had been left exhausted by 
Caesar (App. 3,20). 

7) liuring April and May Antony was corresponding with 
Brutus and Cassius, both verbally and by letter. The 
general impression given by Cicero is that a friendly 
compromise was not improbable: 'Antoni colloquium cum 
heroibus nostris pro re nata non incommodum,' (Cic, 
Att. ,14, 6,1, written April 12) 'fipistula brevis quae 
postea a te scripta eat sane mihi fuit incunda, de 

iC/" .';-l . 

.. v.T V 

0,^- '■ ' 

• \ - 1 -1- - t 


Vn ■ , I _. 

v ■ , c i i c _ 


Bruti ad Antoniiim ... litteris' (Cic . ,Att . ,14, 14, post- 
script). The appeal of Brutus and Cassius to Antony. 
(Cic . ,?cLm. ,11,2 ) , as to what their chance for safety 
would be in Rome, was sent from Lanuviiom tov/ard the end 
of l<lay. 

8) Lacuna. 

9) These men seem to belong to the 'middle group' just 
mentioned before the Lacuna. Nicolaus assumes that 
they are not genuine friends of Octavian but egi^ him on 
against Antony for purposes of their own. That they 
did so as oicero certainly did for the sake of preserv- 
ing the constitution he neglects to say. 'Vibius' is 
of course C. Vibius Pansa, one of the consuls desig- 
nated for 43, who though formerly a friend of Antony 
was induced by Uicero to support the senate in view of 
his coming consulship. He was friendly to Octavian 
but would hardly have supported Octavian s ambitions 

to the full. Lucius ma^/' well oe L. Julius Caesar, con- 
sul of 64 B.C., and Antony's uncle; see Pauly-V/iss. 
Julius 14o. He opposed his nephew Antony in 44 and 
supported the senate, though he also tried to restrain 
the senate from declaring open war on Antony in 43. 
We are not tola what his attitude towara Octavian was, 
but his opposition to Antonys his frequent support of 
Cicero, his desire for peace, and his friendship for 

• ■ J- » 


J.'. . -v .' 


conaervatives like L. Pieo, -P. ServiliUB Vatia, Servius 
SulpiciU3, and Philippus make it probable that he 
favored Octavian's opposition of Antony without support- 
ing Octavian's extreme arabitions. A, Schwartz (Hermes 
biJ,p. 184) 8Ufet;est8 that L. Piso is here referred to. 
This is possible, but in view of the fact that L. 
Julius Caesar v;as proscribed by the triiunvirs in 43, 
it is more likely that he is the one attacked by Nico- 

The Publius referred to is probably P. Servilius 
Vatia. He was a man of little force of character, who 
half-heartedly supported the senate against Antony in 
44 and 43. The fact that Lucius Caesar, against Cicero's 
advice, nominated him in 43 as proconsul to oppose 
Dolabella, proves that he belongs to the moderate 
group which did not wish to offend Caesar's soldiers 
or Octavian by giving open support to Erutus and Cas- 
siUB (Cic, Phil. ,11,19). Brutus (Cic, ad Brut . ,1,16) 
as early as Iilay»43, took Cicero to task for com.r.ending 
his own safety to Octavian; in ad Brut. 1,17, 5, he alludes 
to ihe terms to which Octavian had come with Cicero, 
in that the youth addressed the elder man as 'pater'. 

10) Gallia Narbonensis (compare Bio 43, ol). Lepidus 
became triumvir with Antony and Octavian in 43. 

11) See CicPhil. , 5, o; Fam.10,1, ff. Plancus had 



been noninated consul for the year 42 by Caesar. He 
held Gallia Comata under the provisions of the 'lex 
Julia,' concerning the assii^nment of provinces. Antony 
endeavored to displace him through the 'lex tribunicia 
de provinciis,' enacted in the early part of June, 44, 
but his position was confirmed by a 'senatus consult^am' 
of liecember 20, which provided that the provincial 
governors should retain their tenures until the senate 
itself should appoint successors (Cic. , Phil. ,2,38) . 
12) Compare Lio 4o,10; App. 4,84. Pollio was already 
in his province v/hen Caesar was murdered, according to 
his reference to the Ides of Jiarch in Cic. ,i'am. ,10,31,4. 
15) See App. 3,2; Cic . ,Att. ,14,13,2. D. Brutus had 
gone to his province in April 44 B.C. 

14) Brutus' official name was Q,. Servilius Caepio afta: 
his adoption by his uncle, though he continued to be 
called M. Junius Brutus by his friends. 'Gaius' is 
probably an error of the excerptor. 

15) Por the year 44, the lawful praetor for Macedonia 
was Q,. HortensiUB (Cic. , Phil. ,10,11; 10, lo; 10,26). 

16) isyria was under L. iStaius Murcus, followed by q,. 
Marcius Crispus (App. 3, 77) until the advent of Cassius 

(Dio 47,27-28; Cic. , Fam. , 12, 11,1; 12,12,3). There is 
confusion a;aong the historians as to what provinces 
were actually assigned to Brutus and Gassius for the 

« -- 

1' I fili 


year 43. Appian 3,2; 3,7-8; 3,12; 3,16; 3,24; 3,36; 
4,o7, states that Brutus and Cassius were appointed 
for Macedonia and Syria. Florus 2,17,4 says also that 
Caesar had given them Luacedonia and Syria, ir'lutarch, 
Caes.,67; Ant. 14; Cic.42; Brut. 19, as consistently 
state that Brutus ana Cassius received no provinces 
until after Caesar's death; the senate ultimately 
assigned Crete and 'Libya' (Plut. ,Brut . , 19). Lio 47, 
21 explicitly states that Macedonia and Syria never 
v/ere given to Brutus and Cassius, but that Crete and 
Bithynia were. Appian 3,8 mentions Cyrenaica and 
Crete, and as an alternative report, Cyrenaica and 
Crete for Cassius and Bith^-nia for ♦Brutus. The sequel 
is, of course, well known. Brutus and Cassius seized 
Macedonia and Syria forcibly. \V. Sternkopf, Hermes 
47, pp. 340-347, has shown that the versions of Appian 
and Florus, that Caesar had given Iniacedonia and Syria 
to Brutus and Cassius for the year 43, are incorrect. 
Perhaps his most cogent point is that Cicero nowhere 
condemns Antony and Lolabella for having diverted from 
Brutus and Cassius provinces originally ordained for 
then. In fact Cicero (Phil. 11,27-30) endorses Brutus 
and Cassius for having appropriated provinces which 
belonged, according to written law (legibus scriptis) 
to others (Llacedoniam alienam; Syriam, alienam provin- 


cian). It should be noticed that the phrase of Nicolaus 
regardine Brutus, ' Maxeftovia be T. BpouToC 2cpe6poC 
Sv'is not entirely clear. It is just possible that 
Appian's grave error is due to a misunderstanding of 
Nicolaus or of Nicolaus' source if that also contained 
some ambiguous expression like eqpeSpoc. 
17) Caesar had not bequeathed his position in the state 
to Octavian, though he had doubtless intended, should 
he live long enough, to be able eventually to name his 
successor. This passage is interesting in revealing 
the point of view of Octavian, whose memoirs Nicolaus 
29. l) According to App. 3,28, Octavian himself, accompanied 
by a following of civilians, canvassed the plebeians, 
endeavoring to excite their anger against Antony. 

2) In Appian's account (5,29-30,39) Antony is said to 
have been in need of Octavian' s assistance in order to 
procure the exchange of provinces. 

3) A lacuna here intervenes, so that the account of the 
actual reconciliation is wanting. Appian,5,29-o0,39, 
agrees in the main with Nicolaus; Antony is influenced 
by his military tribunes, former soldiers of Caesar. 

In Lio 46,8 Octavian sind Antony are said to have made 
mutual concessions. According to Plutarch, Ant., 16, 
Antony became apprehensive on finding that Octavian 


had joined forces with his more powerful foes, sunong 
whom was Cicero, 
30. l) For a commentary on the sv/ing of public opinion 

fron Antony to Octavian, see App.3; 12,21,23,24, 29; 
Dio 45,8; Plut. , Ant. ,16. R. Duttlinger, op.cit., 
pp. 77-78, directs attention to the fact that Appian 
presents Antony in a fairer light in this connection 
than do Nicolaus, Lio, or Plutarch, thus indicating a 
probable diversity of sources. 

2) On the authority of the 'lex de permutatione pro- 
vinciarum' of June 1-2, 44 B.C. W. Sternkopf, Hermes 
47, p. 357 ff. a.nd Ciceros ausgewahlte Reden, vol.8, 

p. 9 and note, declares that this act is identical with 
the 'lex tribunicia de provinciis,' both having been 
ratified at the same meeting. The former term is em- 
ployed by Livy, Epit.,117; the latter by Cicero, j^hil., 
0,7. The combined result was that Antony should have 
part or all of Gaul in pl?.ce of Macedonia, and that 
both consuls should enjoy an imperium extended for 
five years. In the historians the references to the 
exchange of provinces are: Dio 45; 9,20,25; 46; 23,24; 
Appian 3; 27,29,30,31,37,38,52,55,63. 

3) Antony left Rome October 9: 'Antonius autera ... a.d. 
VII Id. Oct. Brundisium erat profectus' (Cic. ,1'am. ,12, 
23,2). Also App. 3,40, 


4) This is the only occurrence of the spelling 'Atia' 
in the excerpt. ^Isev/here the name is given 'Antia'. 
o) Appian o,o9, ajid Plutarch, Ant.,lG, both seem to 
discredit the report that Octavian made an attempt 
against Antony's life, though they do not endeavor to 
deny it so vigorously as does Nicolaus. Suetonius, 
Aug. 10; Velleius 2,60, and Seneca, de Clein. 1,9,1, all 
indicate that the attempt was really made. Cicero, 
Paxiu , 12,23,2, both believes and approves of it, 
though it is possible that he was carried away by his 
own desire rather than that he weighed conclusive 
contemporaneous evidence. He remarks, however, that 
the populace did not believe it, and that Antony never 
gave a report on the prisoners he was supposed to have 
seized. In Phil. 5,19, he goes so far as to take upon 
himself the credit for having urged Octavian to the 
deed. The circumstantial refutation of Nicolaus comes 
doubtless from Augustus' memoirs. 
31. l) Lacuna. Octavian' s exploit in securing enlistments 
in Campaniy. is referred to by the following: App.3; 
40,58; Lio 4o; 12,38; buet . , Aug. ,10; Veil. 2, 61; Plut., 
Ant. ,16; Cic. 44; Tac ., Ann. , 1,10 ; Cic . ,Phil. ,3, 3; 4,3; 
0,23,44. Nicolaus is unique in stating that Octavian 
first approached the Seventh and iilighth Legions. Both 
of these were composed of veterans (Cic ., rhil. , 14,27 ; 


CIL 10,4786). Eeside the fact that Octavian offered 
an inducement tov/ard enlisting to the extent of oOO 
denarii ( V30 ) to each laan, the veterans were glad to 
aid him oppose Antony because of a new colony estab- 
lished by the latter near Casilinxiin (Cic . ,Phil. , 2, 
100-102) which served to make Antony' unpopular with 
the oaesarian veterans who had a prior claim to the 
ground. (M. Cary, Journal of Philology ,70, pp. 174-190, 
treats of the land legislation of Caesar in regard to 
Campania. He is of the opinion that Casilinun and 
Calatia, being settled by veterans of the Civil V.'ar, 
must have been founded under a later statute than the 
'lex Campana' of 59 B.C.) Octavian's levy was not 
authorized; it was therefore a revolutionary measure. 
Nicolaus tsLkes pains to show that OctaviaJi reached 
his decision only after Antony proved that he v/as 
destined upon war. In this Nicolaus apparently makes 
a good case: Anton^' left for Brundisium on October 9, 
and Octavian is represented as forming his decision 
and departing for Campania a few days later. Confir- 
mation comes from Cicero, who on llovember 2 wrote sig- 
nificantly to Atticus (16,8), 'On the al'ternoon of the 
first I had a letter from Octavian. He is making a 
great undertaking. The veterans at Casilinum and 
Calatia he has won over to his side. Nor is this 


stran^je; he gives 600 denarii apiece, lilvidently he 
means to wage war with Antony. And so I see that in a 
few days we shall "be in arms. But whom are we to fol- 
low? Consider his name ana his ajiS.' 
2) 1^, Juventius and k. Modialius are unknown. L. 
Maecenas is incorrectly written for C. Maecenas, of 
whom this seems to be the earliest mention, h, Agrippa 
had been a companion of Octavia,n at Apollonia. 'Lucius' 
may be L. Cocceius Nerva, great-grandfather of the 
emperor Nerva. He is mentioned as a trusted friend of 
Octaviaji in 41, ana thence throughout his life. 
S) The several references to his mother could only have 
come from Augustus' own menoira. 

4) Appian 3,24, incorrectly states that Brutus and 
Cassius left Italy shortly after the 'ludi Apollina.res' 
in July. l>io 47,20, is more accurate in saying that 
uhey delayed in Campania for a time. Cic. ,i'am.ll,2, 

was sent from Naples August 4 by Brutus and Cassius to 
Antony; and Cicero addressed Cassius at Puteoli in the 
early part of October (Cic, Pam. , 12, 2;12, 5) . Brutus 
and Cassius would scarcely have been concerned over 
the news of the young Octavian's preparations; their 
aeparture, though it coincided in time with Octavian's 
levy was not caused by this. 

5) Calatia was apparently the home of the beventh Legion, 


Bince he had decided to approach this first. His effort 
was successful, for the oeventh Legion took part in the 
battle of i'oram Gallorurn (Cic ., Phil. ,14,10, 27 ) . 

6) The next colon;/' was apparently Casilinuiii, where was 
the j£ighth Legion. 

7) According to Cicero (Pam. ,12,23,2) Octavian went in 
person to Brundisiiun to win over the four legions just 
arrived from Macedonia. 

8) Appian mentions this means of propaganda in 3;21,29, 
44. His first reference to it in 5,31 antedates his 
account of Octavian' s alleged attempt against Antony's 
life; this anticipation is of coarse incorrect. 


Clayton Morris Hall was tiorn at Huxton, Maryland, Sep- 
tember 24, 189G. From 1908 to 1914 he was prepared for col- 
lege at the Boys' Latin bchool, Baltimore. In the s.utuinn 
of 1914 he entered the College of Arte and Sciences of the 
Johns Hopkins University, v/hence he received the degree of 
Bachelor of Arts in 1918. Luring 1918-1919 he was in the 
United States Army. In the autximn of 1919 he began graduate 
v;ork in Latin, Classical Archaeology, and Greek in the Johns 
Hopkins University, and held, from 1920 to 1922, a Johns 
Hopkins Scholarship. 






1! IH'I! 



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